<abstract xmlns="http://www.w3.org/1999/xhtml">Post-communist states of East Central Europe face the authoritarian challenge to their young democracies, the sources of which are both historical and contemporary. Economic underdevelopment, the retarded process of nation-building and several decades of communist rul made countries of the region less well prepared for democratic transformation than their Western neighbors, but better than former Soviet Union. Combination of economic and social tensions, nationalism and religious fundamentalism creates conditions conducive tom the crises of democracy, but such crises can be overcome if liberal and socialist forces join hands.</abstract>

The Crisis of Democracy: An East-Central European Perspective

<abstract xmlns="http://www.w3.org/1999/xhtml">This paper treats East-Central Europe as a region and investigates its common historical trajectory in the last decades. After 30 years of systemic change and 15 years of EU membership, it is high time for the re-evaluation and reconceptualization of the Europeanization and Democratization process in ECE. It is the key to understand the false start as the original sin in democratization and the reasons of ECE divergence from mainstream EU developments in order to prepare the redemocratization process. The progress of the Europeanization and Democratization process in ECE has been widely described in official documents, but for a balanced and complete picture it is necessary to present also the De-Europeanization and De-Democratization process from the very beginning. Basically, after the collapse of the bipolar world order in 1989, the Eastern enlargement was an economic and political necessity as a substantial part of the EU deepening and widening policy. The EU needed the extension of its economic space and political system that had also been pre-programmed in the mission statement of the Rome Treaty. At the same time, the new member states (NMS) needed the “Return to Europe” for their reintegration into the Western world. However, the capacity for this extension was actually missing on both sides, and it has remained so during the last 30 years of systemic change or the 15 years of EU membership. Altogether, this controversial process has produced a colorful picture of successes and failures in all NMS that will be analyzed in an ECE context.</abstract>

Rethinking the historical trajectory of ECE: From the “original sin” in democratization to redemocratization

<abstract xmlns="http://www.w3.org/1999/xhtml">The year 1995 rather coincidentally tags both the foundation of the Central European Political Science Association and the accedence of Austria, one of its founding members, to the European Union. Austria has particularly benefitted from its membership and the following EU enlargement rounds which also welcomed the other CEPSA members to the club. However, it seems that these advantages have not yet been fully appreciated, neither by a significant part of the political elite nor by the majority of the Austrian population. Increasing Euroscepticism and EU bashing can be observed during the last two and a half decades. The rise of the populist far-right, EU-hostile Austrian Freedom Party (FPÖ) was simultaneous. Of course, the political success of right-wing populism in combination with strong Euroscepticism has become a pan-European phenomenon since at least the last two decades. It is certainly not purely an Austrian phenomenon. Nevertheless, one can observe national differences. Since a systematic comparison of the development of right-wing populist patterns and related political trends between Austria and other CEPSA member countries would go beyond the scope of this essay, the focus of the paper is on relevant Austrian characteristics pertinent to this phenomenon.</abstract>

25 years later – Austria’s shift to the populist right: national characteristics of a pan-European trend

<abstract xmlns="http://www.w3.org/1999/xhtml">The development of new East-Central European (ECE) democracies after 1989 might be separated into two different parts regarding the external, but in many ways also the internal evaluation. While the first fifteen years, crowned the ‘big bang’ EU-enlargement in 2004, might be evaluated generally as a successful story of socialisation into the Western structures, i.e. democratisation and Europeanisation, the next fifteen years are often evaluated as the period of getting sober. Paradoxically, instead of a continuation of the Europeanisation of values, memory and identity in many ECE nations we can observe the strengthening of anti-EU and anti-European attitudes. As Ágh stressed in his latest works, as early as the 2008 financial crisis outbreak we have had to deal with the polycrisis situation accompanied with de-Europeanisation, failure in the catching up process, the strengthening of the Core-Periphery divide in the EU/ Europe and the decline of democracy in East-Central Europe. Even the migration crisis in 2015 and beyond strengthened the mental gaps between so-called ‘old’ and ‘new’ Europe. In the article I focus on reasons for the semi-peripheral position of ECE, long durée processes in the creation of European macro-regions, and specific features of ECE nations’ identity. I reject the black-and-white division of Europe into two regions, stressing the positive examples from ECE as well as many problems of democratic governance the EU – including the ‘West’ – faces.</abstract>

Central Europe between the West and East: Independent Region, the Bridge, Buffer Zone or ‘eternal’ Semi-Periphery?

<abstract xmlns="http://www.w3.org/1999/xhtml">The authors explored the research methods of the manifold studies on online political communication published in nine selected scientific journals over an 8-year period stretching from the beginning of 2009 to March 2017 and systematized the results into a comprehensive, methodological, “state-of-the-art” report. The main findings are that the most frequent method of researching online political communication is the quantitative or qualitative content analysis. Still, recurrent is the combination of methodological approaches, where the quantitative and qualitative techniques complement each other. Moreover, the research of political communication in general, but online especially, has become more an interdisciplinary field. Yet the collection and analysis of data from new media and social networks requires more and more advanced expert skills.</abstract>

doctoral candidate at the Department of Humanities and Political Science

Department of Political Science and Humanities

Department of Political Science and Philosophy, Faculty of Arts

J. E. Purkyně University in Ústí nad Labem

Online Political Communication Research Methods

<abstract xmlns="http://www.w3.org/1999/xhtml">The central focus of this article has been expert knowledge diffusion in international politics, particularly questions such as “how does expert knowledge move from its origin position to international politics and begin to influence it?”, “what decides that specific expert knowledge will diffuse within international politics and be actionable, and another expert knowledge will not?”, and “how do we research expert knowledge diffusion in international politics?”. Here an interdisciplinary study is presented and suggests an innovative approach to how to study expert knowledge diffusion in international politics: 1. The concept of epistemic infrastructure, where epistemic infrastructure is understood as the spatio-temporal hybrid entity with the agency which makes expert knowledge diffusion in international politics possible and which essentially structures this environment; and 2. Epistemic infrastructure as the framework for analysis, which offers a way to research the connections between science, technology, politics and society in the processes of expert knowledge diffusion in international politics.</abstract>

How is Expert Knowledge Diffused in International Politics and What Makes It Actionable? Epistemic Infrastructure: a new Framework for Analysis

<abstract xmlns="http://www.w3.org/1999/xhtml">EU transformative power is put into question and constantly challenged by the political actions of leaders in the Western Balkans. Although the political elites in this region have internalised a pro-European discourse, they are still guided and governed by authoritarian logic and practices colliding with the EU’s governing model. The paper analyses precisely this relationship between the EU and internal politics, namely, the transformative power/powerlessness of the EU towards the aspiring countries for membership in a single dimension; namely, justice. The paper reviews the reforms developed and the effects they have produced in the justice system in a calculation relation: costs and benefits. In this logic, this paper analyses costs and benefits of the internal elites of the Western Balkans, representing a classic oxymoron. On the one hand, pro-EU discourse is superficially used and, on the other, substantive actions are far from the EU’s governing model. The central argument emphasises that the reform process in the region has turned into a repetitive system of itself and destined to fail right from the beginning. So, we see a loss in reforms and plunging into a vicious circle, whereby each time elements increase and intensify but deteriorate one another, inevitably leading to the deterioration of the situation and producing multidimensional corruption.</abstract>

Justice Reform or Facade Reform: The case of the Western Balkans

<abstract xmlns="http://www.w3.org/1999/xhtml">Migration is a relatively new phenomenon in the Czech Republic, which has gradually become a destination country. The securitisation and politicisation of migration in the Czech domestic discourse has created a great deal of public anxiety, especially towards Muslims. This paper focuses on the position of Turkish migrants, the single largest Muslim community in the Czech Republic, in the specific context of the Czech Republic. The objective is to define the nature of Turkish migration to the Czech Republic as part of broader migration patterns. Using data from the Czech Statistical Office and from a questionnaire survey, it investigates the Turkish community’s assessment of adaptation to the Czech environment and their position within the wider Turkish dias-pora policy. I argue that that the non-transparent Czech immigration policy and Czech Islamophobia are potential factors influencing the adaptation process of the Turkish community, which might affect their decision to remain in the country. Furthermore, the small size of the Turkish community can hamper the migrants’ social life, who might wish to maintain strong ties with the homeland and the diaspora community in Europe.</abstract>

The Turkish Community in the Czech Republic: A Diaspora in the Making?

<abstract xmlns="http://www.w3.org/1999/xhtml">The topic of energy is still one of the most sensitive policy areas. The aim of this article is to examine the multi-level governance and energy specifics of the V4 countries within the context of European integration by analyzing selected the specifics of the energy mix of the V4 group countries. This will be carried out within the context of applying the theory of multilevel governance. The paper shows how energy policy is formed at state, and/or non-state level, as well as how these levels are influenced by the EU. The article also looks at the efforts taken to shape a common energy policy. A closer examination of the individual countries‘ levels lies outside the scope of this article. Therefore, the framework was chosen with regard to the particular features within the context of the functioning of the V4 group of countries. Using multi-level governance as a theoretical concept, the authors considered the limits arising from the determination of levels and the subjects of the survey, as well as having distinguished three levels of analysis. The first is the supranational level. This is represented by the EU. The second level is represented by the V4 states. The third level is the state as the actor that formulates energy policy, sets the energy mix and subsequently manifests itself in relation to the EU and the V4 group. Energy policy is significantly influenced by states, especially in the area of energy security of fuel supplies, or that of setting the energy mix. With the gradual communitarization of energy policy, the EU’s influence is growing and it is debatable how the evaluation of existing strategic plans, presented by individual states, will be done. The role of the V4 group is the weakest of the three levels of analysis which were examined. However, its increasing influence can be predicted mainly in the case of coal depletion and the perception of nuclear energy as a renewable source.</abstract>

Department of Politics and International Relations

University of West Bohemia in Pilsen and University of Salford

Department of International Relations and European Studies

Multi-level Governance and Energy Specifics of the V4 Countries within the Context of European Integration

<abstract xmlns="http://www.w3.org/1999/xhtml">The main objective of this study is to capture and analyse the dynamics of co-voting ties among the members of the KDU-ČSL political party group in the 5th parliamentary term between 2006 and 2010 when some members of KDU-ČSL left this party and founded new political party TOP 09. For the analysis of the data, network approach and methods were used, with emphasis on the detection of possible rivalling communities in the constructed network of co-voting ties between deputies belonging-ČSL parliamentary party group in the analysed time period. The co-voting was treated as a proxy indicator of a possible relationship indicating co-operation or rivalry between the deputies. The main outcome of the study was the identification of the co-voting strategies and dynamics of the co-voting between deputies who left KDU-ČSL in 2009 and formed a new political party with their former party colleagues. The study is of a quantitative nature, but the main findings are connected to qualita-tive insights as well.</abstract>

The disintegration of KDU-ČSL in 2009: The network analysis of co-voting strategies of the KDU-ČSL deputies

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Politics in Central Europe

 POLITICS IN CENTRAL EUROPE publishes original, double-blind, peer-reviewed manuscripts that provide scientific essays focusing on issues in comparative politics, policy analysis, international relations and other sub-disciplines of political science, as well as original theoretical or conceptual analyses. The essays should contribute to a broad understanding of the region of Central Europe.  The journal does not have article processing charges (APCs) nor article submission charges.  Archiving  Sciendo archives the contents of this journal in Portico - digital long-term preservation service of scholarly books, journals and collections.  Plagiarism Policy  The editorial board is participating in a growing community of Similarity Check System's users in order to ensure that the content published is original and trustworthy. Similarity Check is a medium that allows for comprehensive manuscripts screening, aimed to eliminate plagiarism and provide a high standard and quality peer-review process. 