<abstract xmlns="http://www.w3.org/1999/xhtml">

Sport is a complex phenomenon that academics across many social sciences are focusing on. The interest in sports has been observable for a long time by historians, anthropologists and sociologists. Scientists in the field of international relations are no exception. A typical way sport is studied in international relations is by paying attention to sports diplomacy. The study of sports diplomacy has become a pretty popular part of the research since the second decade of the 21st century and it is possible to observe the dominance of the authors from the American and British universities in sports diplomacy research. Based on the Web of Science dataset, at first sight, the study of sports diplomacy is not seen as a popular field of research in the Central European countries. On the other hand, this statistical measure does not describe a complex situation of what the sports diplomacy research looks like, how it is formed or how it reflects the thinking of the politicians on national public/sports diplomacy. Thus, the article aims to map sports diplomacy research in the Central European states, specifically in Poland, Czechia and Slovakia.
</abstract>

assistant professor at the Department of Politics and International Relations at the University of West Bohemia in Pilsen

associate professor in the Department of Political Theory and Thought, Faculty of International and Political Studies

assistant professor at the Department of International Relations and Diplomacy, Faculty of Political Science and International Relations

Sports Diplomacy Research in Poland, Czechia and Slovakia. Emerging Field of Study?

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This article focuses on the use of sport by the Spanish Government to perform its non-recognition of Kosovo’s statehood. Our main goal is to analyse the practices and narratives through which Spain’s public authorities have carried out this policy in the sporting arena. Likewise, we set two specific objectives: to examine the administrative measures adopted by the Spanish government when a Kosovan team has participated in an event hosted in Spain; and to describe the policies and discourses regarding the display of Kosovo’s national symbols in these competitions. The study is based on a qualitative approach of five major tournaments that have taken place (or due to) in Spain between 2018 and 2019. The documentation has been mainly gathered through desk-research. The three major data sources have been media press releases, Spanish Government’s communiqués and sporting federation’s statements. We underline that the policies adopted by the Spanish authorities respond to a systematic strategy to give no room for a potential understanding of Kosovo as a sovereign state. Likewise, we highlight that Madrid’s attitude towards the Balkan country must be understood keeping in mind its own internal politics, specifically the nationalist claims from Catalonia and the Basque Country.
</abstract>

The Performativity of State Non-Recognition in Sports: The Case of Spain over Kosovo

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The article focuses on the role of equal opportunities and gender in the sports environment, examining their impacts on the creation and functioning of sports diplomacy. Subsequently, in the form of a case study it first concentrates on the Czech sports environment and women’s representation in international and national sports federations. In the final part, it examines the basketball environment and analyses its individual structures. Women are not sufficiently represented as coaches, referees or officials. Several main challenges are mentioned: the perception of sport as a predominantly male phenomenon, the overall society setting fixed on traditional perceptions of the role of women and men in the Czech Republic, a small number of suitable female sports models, the time-consuming character of the activities, gender stereotypes at work, the absence of suitable conditions for reconciling family and work life and the low self-confidence of female candidates. The article concludes that the Czech sports environment (including basketball) is markedly masculine, and women face a number of barriers, which in practice are reflected in the Czech Republic’s representation in international sport organisations and the way in which sports diplomacy is used as a foreign policy tool.
</abstract>

Assistant Professor and Research Fellow, University of Economics and Business and Associate Researcher

Assistant Professor and Research Fellow at the University of Economics and Business and Associate Researcher

Sports Diplomacy and Gender: Equal Opportunities for Women in Czech Basketball

<abstract xmlns="http://www.w3.org/1999/xhtml">

This article introduces the concept of sport for development and peace both as a theoretical notion and a part of the political-economical practice. Together with a brief definition and a historical overview, the main goal is to present the sport and development in the context of international relations, a network of stakeholders, practical implementation within major projects and its progressive inclusion into the development documents and strategies. Specifically, the article highlights the adoption of the concept by two major institutions, the United Nations and the International Olympic Committee as formal umbrella organisations. Furthermore, the role of the sport for development within the UN’s agenda of Sustainable Development Goals is elaborated. Since the topic is a frequent object of academic research and critical analysis, the article concludes with an outline of the commonly mentioned contested topics and critical debates which permeate both academic production and activities of international state and non-governmental organisations.
</abstract>

Assistant Professor at the Department of Development Studies, Faculty of Science

Sport for Development in International Relations

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This article is a case study of one of the few sports, rugby, that does not link national representation exclusively to citizenship. It discusses who may represent a country in major events and under which conditions. It analyses the consequences of the rules on different stakeholders; and discusses why the residency rule in particular is subject to much controversy. The author has conducted case studies of the 2019 rugby union and 2017 rugby league men’s World Cups. Academic literature, international news-papers, and rugby-specific websites were reviewed. Other than secondary sources, the researcher also collected primary data through interviews. The interviewees included representatives of Rugby League International Federation and World Rugby. This research reveals that national representation without citizenship is widespread in both codes of rugby. It has also shown that the effects of the eligibility criteria go beyond simplistic rich/poor and center/periphery models. This article argues that the rational for the eligibility criteria is the limited global spread of rugby league and rugby union. Without those lenient rules it would be difficult to organize international competitions.
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National Representation without Citizenship: the Special Case of Rugby

<abstract xmlns="http://www.w3.org/1999/xhtml">

In most established democracies the turnout gap along class lines has increased substantially since the 1980s. Political participation has become a question of resources: income, property, formal education, secure employment and overall social status determine citizens’ engagement in political decision-making. Using a mixed methods approach, our case-study shows that this also applies to Vienna – an overall rich city with a long tradition of social reform policies, often credited with the highest quality of life in the world. Although Vienna still has a relatively high turnout by international standards, political participation is very unevenly distributed once socio-economic resources are taken into account. Thereby and throughout life, class shapes people’s experiences with and as part of democracy. These experiences in turn have long-term effects on their trust in the political system and on their political self-efficacy. Our findings first and foremost contribute to the ongoing debate on democracy’s social imbalance and show that its consequences already apply on the regional level. The study additionally highlights the usefulness of mixed methods approaches when we aim at a better understanding of the class-based turnout gap.
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Different Class Citizens: Understanding the Relationship between Socio-economic Inequality and Voting Abstention

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Disinformation represents a pressing issue in the context of security and politics in the region (not only) of Central and Eastern Europe. With the conflict in Ukraine, European virtual space was flooded with online media offering alternative explanations concerning the situation in that country. So-called alternative media developed into trusted sources of information for part of society. Therefore, this paper analyzes in-depth the techniques of manipulation they use; in other words, the aim of the paper is to deconstruct their power over peoples’ hearts and minds. Through the case of the Czech Republic, we demonstrate modernized manipulation of public opinion based on a selective choice of topics and stories combined with properly chosen manipulative techniques controlling emotions and relativity.
</abstract>

assistant professor at the Department of Political Science at the Masaryk University

Facing Disinformation: Narratives and Manipulative Techniques Deployed in the Czech Republic

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The aim of this paper is to analyse political activity in the mass media discourses of states with more democratic and more authoritative regimes respectively, so as to show a clear difference in the context of a formal analysis of mass media content. The current study examines political news on qualitative online media portals in Lithuania, Belarus and Ukraine. Thirty years ago, these states began their independent transition from a closed system to openness/democracy. However, at today’s transition point, only Lithuania is considered a democratic country. In different periods Ukraine has been considered an example of competitive authoritarianism, while Belarus deviated towards complete authoritarianism and dictatorship. All political news items between 2005–2020 (for delfi.lt – since 2007) were collected with the help of the Python program. To measure the indicators, several Python programs were designed. The results of the research confirmed that the intensity of political activity differs in the mass media discourses of states with more democratic (Lithuania, Ukraine) and more authoritative (Belarus) regimes. Furthermore, a clear difference was shown in terms of five indicators, average indicators and the dynamics thereof.
</abstract>

postdoctoral researcher and assistant professor at the Journalism Department

professor and head of the Department of Public Administration and Political Sciences

Reflections on the Independent Mass Media of Post-Soviet Countries and Political Competitiveness

<abstract xmlns="http://www.w3.org/1999/xhtml">

This article argues that the ideological recomposition that has followed Aleksandar Vučić’s first tenure in 2012 has blurred the lines between the various political ideologies Serbia has been associated with over the past 30 years, from nationalism to conservatism, populism, hybridity and, ultimately, authoritarianism. Using discursive analysis, the political strategy and narrative schemes examined therein illustrate the inherent tensions of ‘conservatism’ as practiced by Serbia’s political elite. This article also develops a minimal explanation of the results and consequences of the political developments that have taken place from 2012 to 2020. It highlights the dynamic discursive construction/deconstruction of the ruling party’s ideology which has not been considered in existing scholarly studies on the categorisation of contemporary Serbia’s political regimes. Finally, by investigating the symbolic and emotional dimensions of the ideological recomposition ongoing in Serbia (i.e. the cultural trauma that followed the dissolution of Yugoslavia, heteronomy and ontological (in)security), this article contributes to the literature on growing political changes occurring in post-communist societies.
</abstract>

The Ideological Recomposition of Political Elites in Serbia since 2012

AHEAD OF PRINT

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Politics in Central Europe

 POLITICS IN CENTRAL EUROPE publishes original, double-blind, peer-reviewed manuscripts that provide scientific essays focusing on issues in comparative politics, policy analysis, international relations and other sub-disciplines of political science, as well as original theoretical or conceptual analyses. The essays should contribute to a broad understanding of the region of Central Europe.  The journal does not have article processing charges (APCs) nor article submission charges.  Archiving  Sciendo archives the contents of this journal in Portico - digital long-term preservation service of scholarly books, journals and collections.  Plagiarism Policy  The editorial board is participating in a growing community of Similarity Check System's users in order to ensure that the content published is original and trustworthy. Similarity Check is a medium that allows for comprehensive manuscripts screening, aimed to eliminate plagiarism and provide a high standard and quality peer-review process. 