<abstract xmlns="http://www.w3.org/1999/xhtml">The objective of this analysis is to examine political party leadership with reference to the rules and results of its selection process in post-communist Poland. The exploration of these matters is based on qualitative and quantitative data concerning 16 different political parties and 80 selections they conducted in the years 1990-2013. The comprehensive research methods employed for this study ranged from in-depth analysis of particular election results to analysis of constitutional and structural party variations. This extensive investigation enables the reader to draw conclusions about Polish intra-party politics and to understand the vetting processes that Polish politicians must undergo. The findings indicate that political parties tend to address wider selectorates; and that the rules of selection are transparent, democratic, and empirically predictable.</abstract>

The Selection of Party Leaders in Poland: Democratisation of Rules and Predictability of Results

<abstract xmlns="http://www.w3.org/1999/xhtml">Contemporary Polish local and regional elections serve the purpose of electing the government on the level of a municipality, county, and the voivodeship, and therefore represent a particular type of elections which could be referred to as polytonal. A unique quality of polytonal elections is the fact that the separate elections for each of the levels of local/regional government that take place on a single day are quite distinctive in terms of the behaviour of voters, politicians, political parties, and other organisations participating in the elections. As a consequence, we can indeed observe differences in the results of the elections on the level of municipality, county, and voivodeship.</abstract>

The Character of the Polish Local and Regional Elections – Polytonality

<abstract xmlns="http://www.w3.org/1999/xhtml">Trust in political institutions is an important issue in contemporary democracies, as it contributes to democratic regimes’ legitimacy and sustainability. This paper investigates what effects corruption, political allegiance, and the post-communist history of a country have on political trust. Political trust is measured as trust towards parliament, political parties, and politicians. Both individual-and country-level factors are included in the analytical model in order to account for the personal and contextual characteristics that might shape political trust. This research employs the multilevel modelling for empirical analysis. The results show that the winner effect and corruption perception impact are relatively strongly affecting political trust. Surprisingly, the post-communist history of a country seems to play no significant role in driving political trust. The concluding part links the findings of this study back to the theory and draws several implications not only for the future research but also the real world of policies and politics.</abstract>

Trust in Political Institutions: The Effect of Corruption, Electoral Winners, and the Post-Communist Legacy<xref ref-type="fn" rid="fn1_w2aab2b8b5b1b7b1ab1aaAa">1</xref>

<abstract xmlns="http://www.w3.org/1999/xhtml">Scholars have long debated the normative rationality, the temporal and legal aspects, and finally the limits and modern practices of parliamentary immunity. Therefore, this study does not insist on these classical interpretations anymore, but seeks to contribute to a comprehensive understanding of the conceptual history of <italic>parliamentary immunity.</italic> Embracing two schools of thought, the Koselleckian interpretation and the Skinnerian variant, this paper aims to establish and clarify in detail the story of the concept of parliamentary immunity in order to elucidate, in a Socratic fashion, what we really mean when we say that a senator or a deputy benefits from legislative immunity. This inquiry will help us emphasise how this concept leaves behind its abstract notion and becomes an institution with strict rules and practices. In addition, considering the importance of this concept in the modern legislative and rhetoric histories and the frequency with which it is used, this study will question the meanings of <italic>parliamentary immunity</italic> in the light of different historical settings and will eventually trace out a single, coherent, and unified conceptual matrix. My contention is that once <italic>parliamentary immunity</italic> – seen as a conceptual construct only adjusting the balance of power between the executive and the legislative powers – becomes an institution with strong practices, it enforces the parliament as a unified and independent body and creates the prerequisite conditions for the democratic development.</abstract>

From the Concept to the Practice of Parliamentary Immunity<xref ref-type="fn" rid="fn1_w2aab2b8c10b1b7b1ab1aaAa">1</xref>

<abstract xmlns="http://www.w3.org/1999/xhtml">The London School of Economics and Political Science (LSE) and the Deutsche Hochschule für Politik (DHfP, German Political Studies Institute) in Berlin both emerged extramurally. LSE was founded in 1895 by Fabian socialists Sidney and Beatrice Webb; DHfP was established in 1920 by liberal-national publicists Ernst Jäckh and Theodor Heuss. However, superficial resemblances ended there, as shown in the paper’s <italic>first part</italic>. The founders’ aims differed markedly; incorporation into London and Berlin universities occurred at different times and in different ways.The chair of political science set up at LSE in 1914 was held, until 1950, by two reform-minded Fabians, Graham Wallas and Harold Laski. DHfP, which did not win academic recognition during the 1920s, split into nationalist, “functionalist”, and democratic “schools”. Against this backdrop, the paper’s <italic>second part</italic> discusses Harold Laski’s magnum opus (1925) <italic>A Grammar of Politics</italic> as an attempt at offering a vision of the “good society”, and Theodor Heuss’ 1932 study <italic>Hitler’s Course</italic> as an example of the divided Hochschule’s inability to provide adequate analytical assessments of the Nazi movement and of the gradual infringement, by established elites, of the Weimar constitution. Laski’s work and intellectual legacy reinforced the tendency towards the predominance, in British political science, of normative political theory. West German political science, initially pursued “from a Weimar perspective”, was also conceived as a highly normative enterprise emphasising classical political theory, the institutions and processes of representative government, and the problematic ideological and institutional predispositions peculiar to German political history. Against this background, the paper’s <italic>third part</italic> looks, on the one hand, at the contribution to “New Left” thinking (1961 ff.) by Ralph Miliband, who studied under Laski and taught at LSE until 1972, and at Paul Hirst’s 1990s theory of associative democracy, which builds on Laski’s pluralism. On the other hand, the paper considers Karl Dietrich Bracher’s seminal work <italic>The Failure of the Weimar Republic</italic> (1955) and Ernst Fraenkel’s 1964 collection <italic>Germany and the Western Democracies</italic>, which originated, respectively, from the (Research) Institute for Political Science – added to Berlin’s Free University in 1950 – and DHfP, re-launched in the same year.In a brief concluding <italic>fourth part</italic>, the paper touches on the reception, both in Great Britain and West Germany, of the approaches of “modern” American political science since the mid-1960s.</abstract>

Political Science in Great Britain and Germany: The Roles of LSE (The London School of Economics) and DHfP (The German Political Studies Institute)

Report on the International Scientific Conference “The Crisis of a Modern State” (Wrocław, 24-25 September 2014)

Report: ECPR Winter School in Methods and Techniques (Bamberg, 13-20 February 2015)

AHEAD OF PRINT

Volume 11 (2023): Issue 2 (December 2023)

Volume 11 (2023): Issue 1 (June 2023)

Volume 10 (2022): Issue 2 (December 2022)

Volume 10 (2022): Issue 1 (June 2022)

Volume 9 (2021): Issue 2 (December 2021)

Volume 9 (2021): Issue 1 (June 2021)

Volume 8 (2020): Issue 2 (December 2020)

Volume 8 (2020): Issue 1 (June 2020)

Volume 7 (2019): Issue 2 (December 2019)

Volume 7 (2019): Issue 1 (November 2019)

Volume 6 (2018): Issue 2 (December 2018)

Volume 6 (2018): Issue 1 (December 2018)

Volume 5 (2017): Issue 1 (December 2017)

Volume 4 (2016): Issue 1 (December 2016)

Volume 3 (2015): Issue 1 (June 2015)

Volume 2 (2014): Issue 2 (December 2014)

Volume 2 (2014): Issue 1 (June 2014)

Volume 1 (2013): Issue 1 (December 2013)

Polish Political Science Review

The Polish Political Science Review (PPSR), or Polski Przegląd Politologiczny, is an online, peer-reviewed (double-blind review process), open-access journal. All articles are published in English. Once a year, the list of reviewers is published on the website of the PPSR. Issues are released twice a year and are available without charge for all users. In this manner a wide dissemination of all published articles is facilitated. The PPSR is not restricted to the Polish socio-political reality but is aimed at a broad, international readership and collaboration in various areas of political research. The following general domains fall under the scope of the PPSR:   Public Policy　  Comparative Politics　  Political Theory and Political Thought　  International Relations　  Political Communication　  Modern History　  Interdisciplinary Studies　   We invite scholars, researchers, PhD students and professionals to submit their research articles, theoretical papers, case studies and book reviews. Both established academics and researchers in the early stages of their academic careers are welcome. The PPSR is focused on political issues, but interdisciplinary research areas are also accepted.　  Why submit to PPSR?　  The PPSR has an international editorial board consisting of profound scholars and experts in the field of political science.  All articles are subject to a rigorous process of double blind peer-review, and the reviewers are carefully selected in accordance with their declared field of expertise and academic interests. Articles are reviewed by two or three independent reviewers, none of whom may be affiliated or employed at the same institution as the author of the article. The referee affiliation is different from the affiliation of the author. Additionally, the author and referee will not be the co-authors of any scientific work 3 years prior to submitting the paper to PPSR. Preferebly, articles are sent to reviewers from two different countries. All issues of the PPSR are available online (with no charge). Full proofreading and technical support is provided by the PPSR. PPSR ensures highest quality of the reviewing and publishing processes. 　  With open access of the publication, PPSR ensures broad accessibility of the published texts which can be spread, quoted and re-analysed, contributing to the further development of scientific knowledge. The journal collects no fees from either readers or authors. Contributors are not charged for consideration, review or publication of manuscripts　  Polish Political Science review is owned, managed and funded by the Institute of Political Science, Faculty of Social Sciences of the University of Wrocław, Poland  Archiving  Sciendo archives the contents of this journal in Portico - digital long-term preservation service of scholarly books, journals and collections.  Plagiarism Policy  The editorial board is participating in a growing community of Similarity Check System's users in order to ensure that the content published is original and trustworthy. Similarity Check is a medium that allows for comprehensive manuscripts screening, aimed to eliminate plagiarism and provide a high standard and quality peer-review process. 

Polish Political Science Review

Volume 2 (2014): Issue 2 (December 2014)

The Selection of Party Leaders in Poland: Democratisation of Rules and Predictability of Results

The Character of the Polish Local and Regional Elections – Polytonality

Trust in Political Institutions: The Effect of Corruption, Electoral Winners, and the Post-Communist Legacy¹

From the Concept to the Practice of Parliamentary Immunity¹

Political Science in Great Britain and Germany: The Roles of LSE (The London School of Economics) and DHfP (The German Political Studies Institute)

Report on the International Scientific Conference “The Crisis of a Modern State” (Wrocław, 24-25 September 2014)

Report: ECPR Winter School in Methods and Techniques (Bamberg, 13-20 February 2015)

Wyszukiwanie

Wszystkie tomy i zeszyty w tym czasopiśmie

Polish Political Science Review

Volume 2 (2014): Issue 2 (December 2014)

The Selection of Party Leaders in Poland: Democratisation of Rules and Predictability of Results

The Character of the Polish Local and Regional Elections – Polytonality

Trust in Political Institutions: The Effect of Corruption, Electoral Winners, and the Post-Communist Legacy1

From the Concept to the Practice of Parliamentary Immunity1

Political Science in Great Britain and Germany: The Roles of LSE (The London School of Economics) and DHfP (The German Political Studies Institute)

Report on the International Scientific Conference “The Crisis of a Modern State” (Wrocław, 24-25 September 2014)

Report: ECPR Winter School in Methods and Techniques (Bamberg, 13-20 February 2015)

Wyszukiwanie

Wszystkie tomy i zeszyty w tym czasopiśmie

Trust in Political Institutions: The Effect of Corruption, Electoral Winners, and the Post-Communist Legacy¹

From the Concept to the Practice of Parliamentary Immunity¹