<abstract><title style='display:none'>Abstract</title>This paper analyzes the syntactic properties of the “<italic>ba</italic>-construction” or “disposal form” in Mandarin Chinese under new theoretical frameworks. By introducing the event-decomposition method proposed by <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="j_scl-2018-0005_ref_027_w2aab3b7b2b1b6b1ab1ac27Aa">Ramchand (2008)</xref>, it argues that the <italic>ba</italic>-construction conveys the causativity and the resultativity of the event at the same time, which can be shown from the syntactic representation. Then, this paper tests the position of <italic>ba</italic>, assuming that it is a functional head, and the result of the test indicates that <italic>ba</italic> is a voice head in the hierarchy of functional projections proposed by <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="j_scl-2018-0005_ref_008_w2aab3b7b2b1b6b1ab1ab8Aa">Cinque (1999</xref>, <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="j_scl-2018-0005_ref_009_w2aab3b7b2b1b6b1ab1ab9Aa">2006</xref>). The final word order of a <italic>ba</italic>-construction can be derived by the argument movement of the direct object and by a head movement of <italic>ba</italic> or by the merge of <italic>ba</italic> at the head position of the higher functional head of a split VoiceP.</abstract>

A Cartographic Analysis of the Syntactic Structure of Mandarin <italic>Ba</italic>

<abstract><title style='display:none'>Abstract</title>This study investigates how discourse particles and intonation contribute to the modification of speech act. In particular, it focuses on the interplay between the speaker’s and the addressee’s commitment toward the proposition in assertions, biased questions, and requests for confirmation. A syntactic analysis is proposed, in which <italic>speaker commitment</italic> and <italic>call on addressee</italic> are represented as two functional projections of the speech act structure. Data from nontonal (Canadian English) and tonal languages (Cantonese and Medumba) are analyzed for cross-linguistic comparison. In Canadian English, the particle “<italic>eh</italic>” and rising intonation are associated with speaker commitment and call on addressee, respectively. In Cantonese, a single particle associates with these. In Medumba, the two positions are occupied by two distinct particles. This neo-performative approach toward speech act structure differs from <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="j_scl-2016-0005_ref_025_w2aab2b8b6b1b7b1ab1ac25Aa">Ross’s 1970</xref> original insight by positing a high functional layer called <italic>grounding</italic>, rather than a higher matrix clause of the familiar type.</abstract>

Intonation and Particles as Speech Act Modifiers: A Syntactic Analysis

<abstract><title style='display:none'>Abstract</title>On the basis of considerations involving complementizers, sentence-final particles,
need, aspect, tense, focus and topic, agreement morphemes, determiners, verbrelated
particles and adpositions, I reach the conclusion that many more heads
in the sentential projection line (and elsewhere) must be taken to be silent than is
usually thought. I then argue that this state of affairs ultimately reflects the fact
that every projecting head is silent.提要本文探討的對象包括標句詞、句末助詞、“need”、體、時、焦點與話題、一致關係
語素、限定詞、與動詞有關的助詞、介詞，得出的結論是：在句子投射系列及其他
位置上，無聲中心語的數目應該遠多於過去所理解。本文進而指出，以上的情況都
說明一個事實，那就是中心語都是無聲的成分。</abstract>

The Silence of Heads

<abstract><title style='display:none'>Abstract</title>Taking “sluicing” to be derived by movement + deletion, as represented by <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="j_scl-2017-0004_ref_025_w2aab3b7b1b1b6b1ab1ac25Aa">Merchant (2001)</xref>, and “pseudo-sluicing” to be a base-generated structure [<italic>pro</italic> (+<italic>be</italic>) + <italic>wh</italic>] (going by <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="j_scl-2017-0004_ref_037_w2aab3b7b1b1b6b1ab1ac37Aa">Wei 2004</xref>; Adams 2004), this paper reviews arguments for and against the presence of a sluicing construction in Mandarin Chinese. We show that all the tests available in the literature do not argue against the presence of such a sluicing construction, except the test building on the distribution of the copula <italic>shi</italic>. Unfortunately, the <italic>shi</italic> test is demonstrated to be uncertain and it cannot be used to argue conclusively that only a base-generation pseudo-sluicing analysis should be adopted. We show that a much clear evidence for an exclusive pseudo-sluicing analysis comes from the behavior of the sprouting construction. Investigation of sprouting also sheds light on the properties of null arguments, topic-variable relation, locality, and subcategorization of verbs in the language.</abstract>

Sluicing, Sprouting and Missing Objects

<abstract><title style='display:none'>Abstract</title> Mandarin manner adverbs like dasheng ‘loudly’ (lit. ‘big voice’) occur both sentence-medially and sentence-finally, whereas adverbs formed with the adverbializer de (地) like kuaikuaide ‘quickly’ occur only sentence-medially. The behavior of AP-地 adverbs is puzzling under a classical adjunction analysis and under Cinque’s (1999) hierarchy of functional projections. Here, I argue that Mandarin manner adverbs have a uniform low attachment in V complement position and that preverbal/medial position reflects obligatory movement imposed by the status of 地 as a “concordializing element”.</abstract>

AP-de (地) Adverbs in Mandarin

<abstract><title style='display:none'>Abstract</title>Based on original data collected through an online experiment, evidence is provided in this paper that the interpretation of null subjects in a radical pro-drop language like Chinese relies on the topic criterion proposed for consistent and partial pro-drop languages (Frascarelli 2007 and Frascarelli 2018), thereby supporting the theory that the null subject parameter implies an information-structural strategy for interpretation. Nevertheless, radical Chinese shows specificities that must be integrated in this theory for a comprehensive account. In particular, even though silent topic can start chains (consistent with the topic criterion), data show a significant preference for <italic>overt</italic> and <italic>local</italic> topics as antecedents. This locality requirement thus integrates phonological visibility in a general syntactic condition (<italic>minimal overt link condition</italic>), proposing an interesting parallel with the properties shown by partial pro-drop languages (Frascarelli and Jimenez-Fernandez in press). The present investigation also contributes to outline the structural differences existing between adverbial clauses in Chinese, supporting a distinction between central and peripheral adverbial clauses (Haegeman 2012). Specifically, while temporal and conditional clauses show the properties of nonrestrictive relative clauses, this is not the case for concessive clauses, which merged as subordinate clauses in either the C-domain or the high split-TP area. Differences between temporal and conditional clauses are attributed to the presence of an overt operator in the latter, and the pre-matrix position of adverbial clauses is explained in the light of their discourse role as frame-setters (Krifka 2007).</abstract>

The Interpretation of Null Subjects in a Radical Pro-drop Language: Topic Chains and Discourse-semantic Requirements in Chinese

<abstract>
<title style='display:none'>Abstract</title>
Kayne (2022) has proposed that the asymmetry of syntax be built into the fundamental operation of Merge itself. This squib reviews some of his proposals and supporting evidence. Departing from Kayne, this squib hypothesized that the asymmetric patterns mainly lie in the functional domain of syntax, and the lexical domain may remain symmetric either within a language or cross-linguistically. The Functional Asymmetry Hypothesis (FAH) is supported by the global symmetry of the VO/OV word order, the commutative conjunction structures in the lexical domain, and the free ordering of event-internal adverbs. If the observation is on the right track, it suggests that the asymmetry of syntax, while empirically robust, cannot be entirely reduced to the operation Merge.
</abstract>

Symmetry in the Asymmetric Universe: Remarks on Kayne (2022)

<abstract>
<title style='display:none'>Abstract</title>
Phenomena traditionally thought of as morphological can be accounted for in terms of syntactic operations and principles, hence bringing forth questions that traditional morphology fails to ask (for instance, concerning the licensing of empty morphemes). The language faculty contains no specific morphological component, nor any post-syntactic morphological operations.
</abstract>

Towards a Theory of Morphology as Syntax

<abstract>
<title style='display:none'>Abstract</title>
This article examines the syntactic structure of long <italic>gei</italic> passives in Mandarin Chinese and argues against the prepositional analysis of <italic>gei</italic> in long passives. Refining the ditransitive verb analysis of Lin and Huang (2015), we propose that <italic>gei</italic> is an object-control verb which selects a vP complement rather than a CP or IP complement. By providing supporting evidence for the vP analysis through drawing a parallel from object preposing, we show that long <italic>gei</italic> passives behave on a par with sentences with verbs involving vP complementation like <italic>changshi</italic> ‘try’, not with those involving IP complementation like <italic>jihua</italic> ‘plan’. We also show that the ditransitive analysis is supported by syntactic parallels between long <italic>gei</italic> passives and typical ditransitive sentences in terms of transformation into pseudo-clefts and topicalization of the outer object. The result of this research suggests that two types of object-control structures should be distinguished. One of them involves an IP complement taken by verbs like <italic>qiangpo</italic> ‘force’, while the other involves a vP complement taken by <italic>gei</italic>/<italic>bei</italic> in long passives.
</abstract>

The Syntax of Mandarin Long <italic>Gei</italic> Passives Revisited

<abstract>
<title style='display:none'>Abstract</title>
This paper investigates the deontic modal <italic>sai2</italic> in Cantonese. I argue that <italic>sai2</italic> is an NPI and a negative operator is induced at the sentence-initial position by the SFPs <italic>me1</italic> or <italic>aa4</italic> in rhetorical questions. In SAI sentence, <italic>sai2</italic> must syntactically agree with the negative operator for licensing, and minimality and locality effects are found in such agreement. This study may provide evidence of a syntactic approach to NPI licensing and rhetorical questions.
</abstract>

Rhetorical Questions and Polarity Licensing: On Cantonese Modal <italic>Sai2</italic>

<abstract>
<title style='display:none'>Abstract</title>
This paper investigates an understudied topic in adverbial clauses, converbs, which are verb forms that mark adverbial subordination. Focusing on converbal clauses in Cantonese, I show that they do not share a uniform syntax and should be divided into two classes, formed by central converbs (such as conditional clauses formed by V-<italic>can1</italic>) and peripheral converbs (such as inferential clauses formed by V-<italic>dak1</italic>) respectively. The central class adjoins low to the event/proposition level projections of the main clauses and has an impoverished internal structure, whereas the peripheral class attaches high to the discourse level projections of the main clauses and has an articulated internal structure. The distinction displays remarkable parallelism with the central-peripheral dichotomy of adverbial clauses proposed by Haegeman (2003a, 2003b, 2010), calling for a unified syntax of adverbial clauses formed by converbs and by subordinators, which is achievable under an agreement analysis of converbs.
</abstract>

Converbs and Adverbial Clauses: A Case Study in Cantonese

<abstract>
<title style='display:none'>Abstract</title>
This paper studies echo answers to yes-no questions in Chinese with respect to their distributions, derivations, and typological patterns. We reconsider Simpson’s (2015) verb-raising analyses of verb echo answers (VEAs), finding that his analysis is inspiring in describing the significant properties of VEAs but that he has not discussed issues pertinent to the role of <italic>le</italic> in VEAs, adverbial echo answers, and multiple verb echo answers. This paper proposes that the derivation of short echo answers in Chinese is two-fold: the verb echo answer involves V-to-<italic>v</italic> movement, <italic>pro</italic>-drop, and VP-deletion; and the adverbial short answer involves focus movement and TP deletion. The aspectual markers, the post-verbal <italic>le1</italic> denoting perfective and the sentence-final <italic>le2</italic> encoding a change of state in Chinese, play a crucial role in determining the grammaticality of certain verb-echo answers via aspectual anchoring. This analysis avoids analytical problems posed by V-to-C (domain) (Holmberg 2016; Simpson 2015, etc.). Evidence from information focus and negative scope reversal supports this two-track analysis of echo answers in Chinese. Finally, we conclude that typologically, Chinese, a language using verb-echo answers, is close to Vietnamese and Finnish in allowing adverbial short answers and akin to Thai and Finnish in allowing multiple verb echo answers.
</abstract>

Echo Answers in Chinese

<abstract><title style='display:none'>Abstract</title>Erlewine (2017) suggests that certain sentence-final particles (SFPs) in Mandarin Chinese such as “sentential <italic>le</italic>” and <italic>eryi</italic> are located lower than the C-domain, using a number of arguments relating to the scopal interaction of these SFPs, subjects, and other verb phrase (<italic>v</italic>P) level elements. The present paper proposes an alternative view of the phenomena considered by Erlewine (2017) and maintains the claim that sentential <italic>le</italic> and <italic>eryi</italic> are C-domain elements. First, I argue that <italic>shi</italic> ‘be’, in the negative form – <italic>bu shi</italic> ‘not be’ – should be analyzed as an independent verb, which takes a clausal complement headed by <italic>le</italic> or <italic>eryi</italic>. The apparent narrow scope of <italic>le</italic> and <italic>eryi</italic> is due to the biclausal analysis of the entire sentence. Second, the sentence-initial determiner phrase (DP) cannot be analyzed as the real subject of the verb <italic>shi</italic> ‘be’ but must be analyzed as the matrix topic of the entire sentence and, therefore, is higher than the complementizer phrase (CP) headed by <italic>le</italic> or <italic>eryi</italic>. This explains why sometimes <italic>le</italic> or <italic>eryi</italic> does not have scope over the subject. Third, the <italic>wh</italic>-subject cannot get an indefinite reading in a sentence with a final particle <italic>le</italic> because the ∃-closure triggered by <italic>le</italic> applies at the I′-level by excluding the subject systematically (<xref ref-type="bibr" rid="j_scl-2018-0004_ref_011_w2aab3b7b1b1b6b1ab1ac11Aa">Huang 1982</xref>). The ∃-quantifier, which is introduced in a position lower than the surface subject position, cannot bind the <italic>wh</italic>-subject as a variable. The position where ∃ is generated remains independent of whether the ∃-closure is triggered by low particles, such as <italic>le</italic>, or by high particles, such as the <italic>yes–no</italic> question particle <italic>ma</italic>. Therefore, the low peripheral particles <italic>le</italic> and <italic>eryi</italic> are still within the CP domain and thus higher than <italic>v</italic>P.</abstract>

Derivation of the Apparent Narrow Scope of Sentence-Final Particles in Chinese: A Reply to Erlewine (2017)

<abstract><title style='display:none'>Abstract</title>As far as the left periphery is concerned, there is a conspiracy between syntax, semantics, and pragmatics to ensure the success of sentence formation. We would like to put forth the claim that peripheral features play an important role in this endeavor, which can be checked by either Merge or Move according to the parameter-settings of individual languages. Along this line, topic prominence can be regarded as the result of peripheral feature checking, and the null topic hypothesis à la Huang (1984) is reinvented as a null operator merger to fulfill interface economy in the left periphery. In this regard, Chinese provides substantial evidence from obligatory topicalization in outer affectives, evaluatives, and refutory <italic>wh</italic>-constructions, which applies only when the licensing from a D(efiniteness)-operator is blocked. The idea also extends naturally to the issues concerning pro-drop and bare nominals in general. In this light, we may well compare Chinese obligatory topicalization to those residual cases of verb-second (V2) in English, all being manifestation of the strong uniformity.</abstract>

A Case of V2 in Chinese

<abstract>
<title style='display:none'>Abstract</title>
There are no mirror-image pairs of languages. This restriction on the otherwise vast set of possible languages must be accounted for, and puts boundary conditions on any theory of the human language faculty. There are implications for externalization and in the longer run for the evolution of the language faculty. Antisymmetric linear/temporal order is part of core syntax. Temporal order is partly (though not fully) integrated into core syntax via Merge itself. When two elements X and Y are merged, a relative linear/temporal order is assigned to them. At the same time, that instance of Merge assigns no relative order to the subparts of X and Y. Core syntax can explicitly have X precede Y without having any subpart of X precede any subpart of Y.
</abstract>

Antisymmetry and Externalization

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