<abstract xml:lang="en" xmlns="http://www.w3.org/1999/xhtml">This article seeks to explain the attitudes of civil servants to the preparation of redesigning the civil service system. The starting point for this study is the perplexing point that the plans to reform the Lithuanian civil service system, which was designed to enhance the influence and role of top managers, resulted in the civil servants themselves as the plan's most conspicuous opponents. The article provides explanations to this puzzling situation, drawing on contractualization as the radical reform model or public management model. An attempt is made to find some support for performance contracts, as well as the objectives of rotation implementation and the creation of a higher civil service system. The article argues that civil servants may regard contracts and other managerial elements as a way of realizing other objectives in the reform that they value.</abstract>

Can a Senior Civil Servant Adapt to Managing by Contract? Reform and Civil Servants' Preferences in Lithuanian Government

<abstract xml:lang="en" xmlns="http://www.w3.org/1999/xhtml">As affective labor is becoming more dominant in contemporary capitalism, the affect of the body politic is increasingly important. This article argues for a theory of the <italic>affective state apparatus</italic> to account for the state's role in governing the affect of the population. An analysis of George W. Bush's <italic>Achieving the Promise: Transforming Mental Health Care in America</italic> reveals that an affective state apparatus functions to capture, constitute, and circulate the affects of the population. This article contends that an affective state apparatus operates through the very intimacies of our bodies in order to produce ever more efficient and productive capitalist subjects.</abstract>

Affective Labor and Governmental Policy: George W. Bush's New Freedom Commission on Mental Health

<abstract xml:lang="en" xmlns="http://www.w3.org/1999/xhtml">Globalization has given opportunities to non-governmental organizations (NGOs) to emerge on the world stage as one of the central players in the processes of promotion and protection of human rights around the world. The emergence of new actors in the human rights field raises questions not only about their impact on the protection of human rights, but also their impact on the state, which for a long time has had a monopoly on deciding how to treat its citizens. The article aims to analyze the role of human rights NGOs from the perspective of state sovereignty versus/and human rights, and provide answers to the following questions: what is the input of NGOs in protecting human rights? Do their activities lead to real improvements in human rights practices within a state? What is their impact on state sovereignty? How do the activities of NGOs influence the state's authority and legitimacy? Analysis has shown that the impact of human rights NGOs on state sovereignty and human rights protection depends on many factors, such as the country's level of development, political regime, the size of human rights NGOs, etc. This leads to the tentative conclusion that human rights NGOs may be both human rights defenders and state sovereignty destroyers.</abstract>

The Role of Human Rights NGO's: Human Rights Defenders or State Sovereignty Destroyers?

<abstract xml:lang="en" xmlns="http://www.w3.org/1999/xhtml">The article analyses the phenomenon of legislative inflation from three perspectives: historical, legal and political. The term "legislative inflation" is widely used by various European legal and political scientists and means an increase in the amount of legal norms. Issuing a considerable number of new legal norms consequently raises the question about the balance between the quality and quantity of the work of the legislator(s). There are three relatively similar, yet essentially different terms: "effectiveness, efficacy and efficiency" of laws, each of which should be considered and evaluated by legislators. Legislative inflation, if not adequately perceived, can lead to legal nihilism - a phenomenon mostly attributed to Russian and post-Soviet societies, but by substance an acute problem in all Western societies.</abstract>

"Legislative Inflation" - An analysis of the Phenomenon in Contemporary Legal Discourse

<abstract xml:lang="en" xmlns="http://www.w3.org/1999/xhtml">This paper analyses two issues: first, the possibilities for corrections of Lithuanian civil service legal regulation, deliberating on a more flexible regulation perspective. It discusses whether the narrowing of civil service legal regulation could become a potential way to increase the efficiency of public administration with respect to the Lithuanian legal system. It also evaluates the possibilities of discretionary power use in the civil service. Another issue is the possibility of Lithuanian civil servants and public sector employees' statuses change, emphasizing existing problems and alternative considerations that may lead to the correction of the concept of servant in the future. The need for special civil servant status and responsibilities are discussed, as well as the possibilities to extend, narrow or eliminate the corps of civil servants. The paper is based on the data from qualitative research carried out in 2011 in the form of semi-structured interviews with more than fifty of the highest level Lithuanian civil servants, politicians responsible for civil service, and other experts-practitioners of the field.</abstract>

Civil Service and Civil Servants in Lithuania: Issues of Regulation and Status

<abstract xml:lang="en" xmlns="http://www.w3.org/1999/xhtml">The presidency of Barack Obama is often compared with the presidency of Bill Clinton, because many similarities exist between them such as warm relations with Russia, preference for soft-power instead of hard power, and so on. This article addresses the question of whether Lithuania's role in U.S. foreign policy is also similar in the two presidencies, since Lithuania (and the other Baltic states) was always in the U.S. field of interest because of its geopolitical position and U.S. competition with Russia. This article seeks to compare the role of Lithuania in U.S. foreign policy during the presidency of B. Clinton and B. Obama according to several criteria: the presentation of Lithuania in U.S. strategic documents and official rhetoric; the role of Lithuania in U.S. foreign policy practice; and the role of Lithuania in U.S.-Russian relations.The article concludes that Lithuania's presentation in U.S. strategic documents and official rhetoric during the presidency of B. Clinton and B. Obama differs mostly in frequency of mention. In foreign policy practice U.S.-Lithuanian relations were transferred from the format "Work for you" to "Work with you." However, although in U.S.-Russian relations Lithuania was never the main factor that sharpened these relations— it only received its main security guarantees during the presidency of B. Obama.</abstract>

Lithuania in U.S. Foreign Policy During the Presidencies of B. Clinton and B. Obama

<abstract xml:lang="en" xmlns="http://www.w3.org/1999/xhtml">Legal ethics is important for the daily work of attorneys; yet, it hardly receives enough attention in the training of lawyers. This article seeks to show how legal ethics matters and which consequences seemingly small ethics violations can have for attorneys. One key aspect of the client-attorney relationship is the trust which is placed in the attorney by the client. Both Germany and Lithuania prohibit that attorneys represent both parties in a legal dispute, a prohibition which can be surprisingly far-reaching. In this article the authors, both of whom are practicing attorneys, look at the differences and similarities between the legal frameworks in Lithuania and Germany as well as the impact the globalization and Europeanization of legal ethics has had on the domestic laws in their respective jurisdictions. Particular attention is given to the sanctions which can be imposed on attorneys for misconduct in the form of representation which betrays the trust of a client and which is therefore specifically prohibited by the law. Among other issues, the distinction between professional sanctions and punishments under criminal law will be dealt with, as well as the conditions under which attorneys in either jurisdiction are barred from accepting a specific case to begin with.</abstract>

Faculty of Law, Vytautas Magnus University, Lithuania

Faculty of Law, Georg August University, Germany

Sanctions for Attorney Misconduct in Relation to a Client Under Lithuanian and German Law

<abstract xml:lang="en" xmlns="http://www.w3.org/1999/xhtml">Internet-based social media sites have been increasingly used to organize political activism across the globe. Given recent events in Egypt where Wael Ghonim's role as social networker, Google executive, and activist coalesced at the center of an information-based revolution, or the much publicized use of BlackBerry Messenger to organize protests, riots, and looting in England, it is difficult to ignore the effect social networks have had on major political events. Beginning with a review of some of the key historical and conceptual accounts of the political implications of the Internet and social media over the last ten years, this article provides an analysis of how the political use of social media in recent events in Egypt and England has been represented by the mainstream western media.</abstract>

The Human Network: Social Media and the Limit of Politics

AHEAD OF PRINT

Volume 16 (2024): Issue 2 (February 2024)

Volume 16 (2023): Issue 1 (September 2023)

Volume 15 (2022): Issue 2 (December 2022)

Volume 15 (2022): Issue 1 (October 2022)

Volume 14 (2021): Issue 2 (December 2021)

Volume 14 (2021): Issue 1 (June 2021)

Volume 13 (2020): Issue 2 (December 2020)

Volume 13 (2020): Issue 1 (June 2020)

Volume 12 (2019): Issue 2 (December 2019)

Volume 12 (2019): Issue 1 (June 2019)

Volume 11 (2018): Issue 2 (December 2018)

Volume 11 (2018): Issue 1 (June 2018)

Volume 10 (2017): Issue 2 (December 2017)

Volume 10 (2017): Issue 1 (June 2017)

Volume 9 (2016): Issue 2 (December 2016)

Volume 9 (2016): Issue 1 (June 2016)

Volume 8 (2015): Issue 2 (December 2015)

Volume 8 (2015): Issue 1 (June 2015)

Volume 7 (2014): Issue 2 (December 2014)

Volume 7 (2014): Issue 1 (June 2014)

Volume 6 (2013): Issue 2 (December 2013)

Volume 6 (2013): Issue 1 (June 2013)

Volume 5 (2012): Issue 2 (December 2012)

Volume 5 (2012): Issue 1 (June 2012)

Volume 4 (2011): Issue 2 (December 2011)

Volume 4 (2011): Issue 1 (June 2011)

Volume 3 (2010): Issue 2 (December 2010) The Problem of the State of Exception

Volume 3 (2010): Issue 1 (June 2010)

Volume 2 (2009): Issue 2 (December 2009)

Volume 2 (2009): Issue 1 (June 2009)

Volume 1 (2008): Issue 1 (December 2008)

Baltic Journal of Law & Politics

Baltic Journal of Law &amp; Politics (BJLP) is a scholarly journal, published bi-annually in electronic form as a joint publication of the Faculty of Political Science and Diplomacy and the Faculty of Law of Vytautas Magnus University (Lithuania). BJLP provides a platform for the publication of scientific research in the fields of law and politics, with a particular emphasis on interdisciplinary research that cuts across these traditional categories. Topics may include, but are not limited to the Baltic Region; research into issues of comparative or general theoretical significance is also encouraged. BJLP is peer-reviewed and published in English.  Why subscribe and read  The journal’s contributions present quality research on topics of critical concern both within and without the academy. The journal provides a platform for the publication of innovative research in the fields of law and politics, with an acute interest in the cross-pollinations of disciplines, comparative approaches to regional issues, and active dialogue on pressing contemporary issues of theoretical and practical import.  Why submit  The journal is committed to the quality of every article from the initial stage of inquiry to the date of publication. The journal provides fast, fair and constructive peer review by specialists in their areas from all over the world. Authors receive editorial assistance in adjusting their manuscripts to the standards of the journal as needed. Submissions from all corners of the fields of law and politics are encouraged, especially research that locates itself at their intersections.  Peer review  BJLP is a refereed journal. Submissions are subject to academic peer-review. Every submitted manuscript receives at least two professional reviews, at least one of which is a double-blind review. The peer-review process typically takes 1-2 months after the paper is accepted to peer-review process after the initial review in the Senior Editorial Board. There are no charges for the review process. For more information please visit Instructions For Authors. Rejection Rate   70%   Archiving  Sciendo archives the contents of this journal in Portico - digital long-term preservation service of scholarly books, journals and collections.  Plagiarism Policy  The editorial board is participating in a growing community of Similarity Check System's users in order to ensure that the content published is original and trustworthy. Similarity Check is a medium that allows for comprehensive manuscripts screening, aimed to eliminate plagiarism and provide a high standard and quality peer-review process. 