The study aims to give a comprehensive explanation on how regional construction took place in the European history related to the state-building processes and how the historical heritage of the European state-construction influences today the social construction of the regions. With regard to the state-building processes, the study started from Hechter’s model of ‘primary’ and ‘secondary’ state and his interpretation on the relationship between core regions and peripheries. This model operates with the centralizing power of the state, but from the last decades of the 20th century it was proved via the ‘new regionalism’ that social construction processes became more relevant in shaping new subnational regions. This last aspect is described by Paasi, and the study argues for a new concept of regional identity as a territorial ‘product’ of interacting governance and local society.
5. References Ante, A. 2010. StateBuilding and Development: Two Sides of the Same Coin ? Exploring the Case of Kosovo. Hamburg: Disserta. Bayliss, K. 2005. Post-Conflict Privatisation: A Review of Developments in Serbia and Bosnia and Herzegovina. London: Overseas Development Institute. Bel, G. and M. Warner. 2006. Local Privatization and Costs: A Review of Empirical Evidence . Paper presented at the Barcelona International Workshop on Local Government Reform: Privatization and Public-Private Collaboration, 12–13 June, in Barcelona, Spain. Bozeman, B
Defense is one of the oldest state responsibilities. Without the defense, protection or physical security the state, the power is unable to act on its own free will. The state is not able to fulfil its other functions (collection, distribution, regulation and sanctions) according to the interests of the society.
Clausewitz stated that the use of military power is the continuation of politics. In other words, politics aims to reach these aims by the implementation of military forces or war. Of course, to achieve the aims of the politics there are lots of instruments (diplomacy, politics, economics, information, ...) which have to be coordinated with the use of forces. This way of thinking is named as the comprehensive approach.
But politics has other important roles in order to achieve the aims. In the application of military force aims should be set to provide the necessary resources (human and material) and the appropriate legal environment. Professional military professionalism achieves its full potential in the case of three elements – aims, resources and legal environment - are harmonized for long-term. In the process of political decision-making professional military experts help to reach efficient choice. After the political decision is made the military does its best to act in order to achieve the aims.
In the western world the national armed forces have significantly reduced their strengths and abandoned the conscription-based military system. NATO and the EU in recent decades have carried out a number of operations. These operations were based on defending the member states’ individual or collective’ interests and values by strengthening peace and security. This new operational environment expects numbers of new skills and competencies from the 21th century’s soldiers.
this light. As French administrative links abroad, they were part of the French state-building project, and at the same time, of the French state’s interaction with another state – in the case studied here, the Ottoman Empire. The construction of the administrative spaces surrounding the consulates was thus influenced both by the French state’s internal logic of organization and by the conditions and developments in the Empire. Both states, in the long 19th century, pursued projects of modernization involving the intensification of administrative control over space
and integration had only entered their formative stages. Hans Knippenberg / Ben de Pater: De eenwording van Nederland. Schaalvergroting en integratie sinds 1800, Nijmegen 1992. This article argues that Dutch statehood was the product of a hard-won process that required a good part of the 19th century to reach some sort of administrative consolidation. We look at statebuilding from a decentered perspective, not so much from above or below, but rather from the middle , concentrating on the province of South Holland, and from within , foregrounding the piecemeal
-socialist transition: a dynamic panel analysis. Acta Oeconomica 65 (4): 503-523. Elo, S. and Kyngas, H. 2008. The qualitative content analysis process. Journal of Advanced Nursing 62 (1): 107-115. Engerman, S. and Sokoloff, K. 2005. Institutional and noninstitutional explanations of economic differences. In Handbook of new institutional economics, edited by C. Menard, and M.M. Shirley, 639-665. Berlin: Springer. Ernst, A. 2011. Fuzzy governance: state-building in Kosovo since 1999 as interaction between international and local actors. Democracy and Security 7 (2): 123-139. Estrin, S
This article is dedicated to the “Baltars” collective porcelain painting workshop (1924–1930), founded in Riga, Latvia by three modernist artists: painters Romans Suta (1896–1944) and Aleksandra Beļcova (1892–1981) and graphic artist Sigismunds Vidbergs (1890–1970).The “Baltars” phenomenon is significant because of the innovations that the artists brought to the landscape of Latvian porcelain manufacturing and its exhibition activities in the 1920s and the early 1930s, both local and in the Baltic Sea region—Lithuania, Estonia, and Sweden. The article investigates “Baltars” foundation and closure, artistic activities of the company, its attempts to enter the international art and trade scene, and its accomplishments. Special attention is paid to the amalgamation of modernisation, nationalism, and state-building manifested in their paintings on porcelain. Due to the present growing interest in porcelain art in Latvia, triggered by numerous exhibitions and publications, discourse on the “Baltars” phenomenon has become topical.
The purpose of this article is to analyze the relation between manorial administration, the emerging state, and space in the Austrian and Bohemian lands of the Habsburg monarchy between the end of the 18th century and the abolishment of the manorial system in 1848. The themes that will be discussed are the spaces of manorial administration, with a focus on the various manorial rights and their spatial relation to each other; the role of manors in the state-building process, which in the Habsburg Monarchy is closely linked with the reform period in the second half of the 18th century; and finally the relationship between state, manors, and subjects in the first half of the 19th century, with emphasis on administrative practice.
After the Cold War, military challenges were generated on the periphery of Europe and beyond. Europe and NATO dealt with such challenges within the framework of crisis response and peace support operations. During the development of operations in the increasingly complex environments military actors carried out increasingly complex tasks and missions. The top of the efforts is state building affecting almost all of the governmental and state organizations and actors. Today in Central Europe and in the Carpathian Basin we are facing new threats. The massive and uncontrolled migration, terrorism and hybrid threats pose new challenges for the states. Today the physical and internal security in the homeland has to be reconsidered by the state. The new threats require a new type of response. The military and law enforcement organizations, vital governmental authorities have to effectively act together in order to provide safe and secure environment in the country. This joint effort is a new type of home- and collective defence. The complex security of the state and citizens can be guaranteed by coordinated cooperation based on mutual trust and knowledge among organizations only. This activity is labelled as Inter-agency Operations, in which the intent and capability of interoperability are required from all actors.
In the absence of concrete ethnic differences, the division of a single Korean nation into two opposing states has led to the creation of specific types of nationhood and state building. This pseudo-ethnicity, which marks North Korean immigrants as “other” to South Koreans, results in adaptation problems and cultural difficulties. As the sociological literature considers self-employment of minorities and immigrants to be an important avenue for upward economic mobility, this paper focuses on North Korean new settlers who have established their own businesses in South Korea. By case study analysis, it was revealed that new settlers and official organisations have highly differing perceptions on the issue of North Korean self-employment. Public authorities try to discourage North Koreans from becoming self-employed, which is why a comprehensive economic support programme is lacking. However, it was discerned that a new generation of new settlers is growing, showing high motivation and entrepreneurial spirit. The result of this study showed that a tailored support programme for self-employed North Koreans, such as an adapted form of social enterprises, is needed.