Workplace deviant behavior has been linked to a number of organizational losses such as decreased employee morale, increased turnover and loss of legitimacy among important external stakeholders. Therefore, this paper investigated the relationships between religiosity, job status and workplace deviant behavior. Participants consisted of 351 (F=178; Mean age=39.2) employees of the Local Government Service Commission in Nigeria. Data which were sourced through the Workplace Deviant Behavior Scale and Centrality of Religiosity Scale were analyzed using multiple regression. Results revealed that religiosity negatively related to workplace deviant behavior, but no significant difference was found between junior and senior staff in their display of workplace deviant behavior. In addition, both religiosity and job status jointly influenced respondents’ workplace deviant behavior. The findings imply that high religiosity among employees might reduce the risks of deviance and in turn create a better work environment.
18 Marcel Sarot, ‘Een feministische conceptualisering van het kwaad?’
in: W. van Dooren & T. Hoff (red.), Aktueel filosoferen, Delft: Eburon:
19 Sarot, ‘Feministische conceptualisering,’ 282.
20 Https://citaten.net/zoeken/citaten-bestrijden.html. Het is mij niet
gelukt, dit citaat terug te vinden in het werk van George Sand.
MARCEL SAROT 197
In this article I discuss the concept of evil. I begin by showing that
the concept of evil is not religiously neutral. Here, I will discuss the
Western view of evil, influenced by
metaphysical foundations they like, and from those foundations, they can find good reason to justify liberal democracy. The way in which this may occur is called overlapping consensus, and herein lies my point of departure for a hermeneutics of dialogue. Overlapping Consensus: The Hermeneutics of Public Dialogue This picture of Rawls’ liberal polity explicitly refuses to grant to public reason a fundamental matrix or moral presupposition that unites all citizens or voices. He is quick to respond to religiously minded objectors who may want personally to utilize a form of
Turning Religious Values into Law Through the Language of Human Rights: Legal Ethics and the Right to Life Under the European Convention on Human Rights
In a globalized world in which different cultures and religions intermingle and live in close proximity to one another, there are hardly any truly mono-religious states any more. At the same time mainstream politics has become significantly secularized in most of Europe. This has implications for the way the role of religiously motivated values are perceived in the context of making and interpreting legal rules. Seen from a specifically Catholic perspective, this article investigates whether it is morally licit to import (religiously motivated moral) values into law. Looking at the moral fundament of the European Convention of Human Rights and at the issue of the right to life of unborn children, the relationship between justice and faith is investigated.
The article attempts to shows that in the era of post-modernity, the ethnically, racially, religiously, culturally or nationally mixed marriages are more and more frequent phenomenon, contributing to the emergence of new types of cultural identity. The degree of cultural difference determines the number of problems which occur between partners. National, religious, linguistic and cultural differences can affect both positively and negatively functioning multicultural families.
The main context of this article is the activity of Multicultural Families Association, which was formed in the aftermath of diagnosis multicultural families living in Krakow. The Association responds to the needs of these families.
Today, a characteristic feature of life is contact (direct or via media) with “otherness” and the “Other” – ethnically, religiously, nationally. The issue of the links between multiculturalism and the media is essential for education, but it does not seem to be sufficiently taken into account in the formal education of teachers. Therefore, the article addressed the issue of shaping media competences and intercultural competences of teachers, indicating the need to include both these issues in an integral manner. It has become important to consider the dimensions of these competences – cognitive, pragmatic and emotional – as well as to show the issues that should be present in the education of teaching staff. This type of approach seems to meet the requirements relating to the dynamically forming “knowledge-based society and “multicultural society”.
This article deals with selected aspects of popular belief in post-Reformation England as compared to the pre-Reformation popular tradition of the fourteenth and fifteenth century. Through a discussion of the politics of superstition and religiously-shaped concepts of reason in Early Modern England, this article discusses medicinal magic, and the power of objects and words in the context of religion and popular belief, focusing in particular on leprosy and exorcism. By examining the Protestant understanding of the supernatural as well as its polemical importance, the article investigates the perseverance of popular belief after the Reformation and outlines some of the reasons and politics behind this perseverance, while also examining the role of the supernatural in the culture of belief in Early Modern England by tracing the presence and importance of particular beliefs in popular imagination and in the way religion and confessional rhetoric made use of popular beliefs.
The cultural policy of the Roman Catholic Church in Poland is incorporated into state-run cultural policies. The organs of public authority enforce the objectives of Church regardless of Church’s actual ability to influence the society. It should be pointed out that the secularization of religion in Poland is frequently misinterpreted and usually equated with its deprivatization. It is worth mentioning that Catholicism is the dominant religion of the country and the Roman Catholic Church has hold a special position in Poland and play a major role in the country’s social and political life. In practice, however, Polish society appears to be religiously indifferent. This paper proves that the official, state-run cultural policy in Poland is based on favoritism of the Roman Catholic Church, regardless of Church’s actual ability to wield influence on society. Thus, there is a variety of implicit and explicit cultural policies implemented by the authorities to support Church. This work also aims at addressing the question of social attitudes to women, especially the one concerning the UN and EU law embracing women’s rights, until recently still not implemented in Poland. This paper further explores some peculiarities of this topic as an example of a specific outcome of Church cultural policy and its impact on both the past and present-day society.
This article deals with Poland’s Law and Justice (PiS), considered a conservative party in the scholarly literature. Drawing largely on party manifestos, the article demonstrates the character, the specificities and the evolution of the party’s identity and ideology. A theoretical basis for the undertaking is provided by Klaus von Beyme’s concept of party families, Arend Lijphart’s seven ideological dimensions and classic texts on conservatism. The analysis finds that the most important components in PiS’s current identity are Catholicism itself and the great emphasis the party places on the role of the Catholic Church. Also important for the party’s identity are visions of a nation conceived on ethnic principle, a strong and active state able to form society with a national spirit, anti-communism and a negation of developments in Poland since 1989. A substantial role is played by the quasi-religiously conceived legacy of the party’s co-founder, Lech Kaczyński, who tragically perished in an aircraft crash. With its Catholic-nationalist profile, PiS is close to the Christian current within the conservative New Right, and to Polish National Democracy in the interwar period.
Arthur Leared’s Morocco and the Moors (1876) and Budgett Meakin’s Life in Morocco and Glimpses Beyond (1905) are two less-examined imperial travel texts on precolonial Morocco. These two travelogues are British (Irish and English, respectively) – a fact that casts on them from the beginning the special taste of this genre which is a British specialty par excellence. Coming from the same political and cultural backdrops, Leared and Meakin peregrinated into Morocco in a precolonial time when it was still perceived as the “Lands of the Moors”. These two travellers responded to moments of interactions with the Moors as a culturally, socially and religiously different other. Both these Victorian travellers were aware of the fact of empire as their travelogues function as fodder to energize the discursive grandiloquence of empire. They stress an ethnocentric view in depicting Moroccans and their culture, and they communicate their observations through an interpretative framework, or in Foucauldian terminology, through the “discourses” provided by their culture. This paper undertakes the examination of these two travellers’ perception of otherness; the approach is to question and bring to the fore the rhetorical and discursive strategies as well as modes of representation Leared and Meakin deploy in their encounters with the Moors in Pre-Protectorate Morocco.