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The proliferation of digital communication spaces is expected to have the paradoxical effect of both enhancing pluralism as well as causing a fragmentation of the public political debate. The question addressed in this paper concerns the position of one such space of communication in the local public debate - municipal websites. Four Norwegian municipalities are studied, and the role of their websites is assessed by evaluating the visibility and the extent to which the contents of these websites affect the agenda of the local media. The study indicates that even though the municipal websites are not particularly visible to the citizens, they still influence the public political agenda by being a source of information to the press. As the communication taking place on the municipal websites spills over to the media and thereby reaches the majority of the citizens, the websites can not be said to lead to a fragmentation of the public debate. Whether or not the websites contribute to the pluralism of the public debate is however uncertain.


The dissemination of the media has led to the phenomenon of the mediatization of social reality, which in the era of new media has become dominant, because the new media have infiltrated almost every aspect of human functioning. The surprising paradox of the new media is the fact that on the one hand they give access to almost unlimited information, on the other hand they narrow it down extremely. The modern media user, often without realizing it, “uses” only the information that is offered to him by specially selected internet algorithms. Created in this way the so-called “information/filter bubble” condemns him to the only vision of reality - and in the absence of the possibility of verifying his observations what results from the way the new media works - in his opinion the only true one. This is particularly important in creating the vision of social order and the functioning of the state. The mediatisation of Polish social reality - especially in the context of social media - led to the emergence of polarized groups isolated from each other and caused a lack of rational political debate on a number of important social issues.

References Anderson, T. 2017. Communicating science-based messages on vaccines. Bulletin of the World Health Organization 95, 670-671. Black, S., Rappuoli R. 2010. A Crisis of Public Confidence in Vaccines. Science Translational Medicine 2(61), 61mr1. Ceccarelli, L. 2011. Manufactured Scientific Controversy: Science, Rhetoric, and Public Debate. Rhetoric & Public Affairs 14(2), 195-228. Collins, H. 2010. Tacit and explicit knowledge. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Collins, H., Evans, R. 2008. Rethinking expertise. Chicago: University of Chicago Press

discuss” (Interviewee 1, pre-elections, original emphasis). Several interviewees articulate these two concurrent perceptions of Facebook users as ‘real’ citizens and as a distinct group. For this reason, the exact value of monitoring user-generated content on Facebook remains somewhat ambiguous across the interviews. Moderating users On a general level, the interviewees perceive the quality of public debate on Facebook as problematic to varying extents, arguing that moderation is necessary or even compulsory for parties in order to maintain an appropriate level of

, incitement to discrimination, hostility, or violence, and a broad range of potentially harmful content. All of these can have damaging consequences not only for the targeted individuals, but for public debate as well (see Dangerous Speech Project, 2020 ; DIHR, 2017 , 2019 ). In response to these challenges, EU policymakers increasingly call upon social media platforms to regulate content. This policy development has led to a growing concern for the human rights implications of private actors governing the online public sphere. From the perspective of freedom of

national cultural and political traditions, repeatedly leads to a lack of realistic and coherent strategic orientations and feasible action plans. A poorly structured and often arbitrarily guided policy-making process indirectly causes the ill-founded and unreasonable decisions, and subsequently reduces the interest of the professional and the general public in the public debate, deliberative process and issues under discussion. The communication between the public authorities and the general public is characteristically one-sided and rather limited, and thus ineffective


The present paper examines the debate on the future of public service broadcasting (PSB) in Norway and Sweden in the 2000s. I have analysed the discourses on PSB that dominate the public debate in the two countries, the cultural policy related to PSB, as well as the legitimizing rhetoric of the Norwegian public service broadcaster Norsk rikskringkasting (NRK) and that of the Swedish public service broadcaster Sveriges Television (SVT). Theoretically, the analysis draws on normative theories on the role of PSB in promoting democracy, culture and a well-functioning public sphere, as well as theories on democracy and the public sphere per se.


In the late Middle Ages, the canonical prohibition of interest increasingly came into conflict with an ever more dynamic economic practice. The Ingolstadt based theology professor Johannes Eck is better known as Catholic opponent of Martin Luther; however, he also worked more strongly than his academic contemporaries against fundamentalist business ethics theories thereby actively searching public debate. Subsequently, he became forerunner and point of reference for academic theory, which is committed to the struggle of merchants and entrepreneurs to shape their forms of practice responsibly.



In this article, I examine change and continuity in conceptions of parental agency in public debates about children’s media consumption in Scandinavia, 1945-1975. During this period, public debates about the various kinds of media products children consumed were dominated by different groups of professionals: first, by teachers and librarians in the mid-fifties and, then, by intellectuals and performing artists in the late sixties. With a radically changed professional hegemony and a shifting media landscape, the role of media in children’s lives was described very differently during the period. However, a strong continuity in the debates was the negative influence parents were seen as having on children’s media consumption due to their lack of insight and interest in the topic. Drawing upon recent works on children’s media, consumption and enculturation, I analyse why the negative description of parents as co-consumers prevailed despite radical changes in views on children’s media consumption. In particular, I examine the shared inter-Scandinavian socio-cultural contexts that structured the changing professional and political groups’ pressure on parents to perform according to their norms and values.


In a world dominated by uncertainties (geopolitical, economic or political), ensuring energy security has become a top priority, both at state level, as well as for supranational alliances (EU, NATO). The paper aims to present, synthetically, the evolution of the adequacy efforts of the Energy Strategies of Romania in the context of contemporary challenges of global security, insisting on two priorities: the internal needs of energy security and the configuration of the alliances that Romania is part of. Romania’s energy security concerns were amplified in 2006-2007, but, although several projects were released in public debate, none has been adopted and assumed. Our investigation was based on the current information we have analyzed, compared and synthetized so that we anticipate strategic developments expected over the next twenty years.