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During last year North Korea has made almost daily headline. Topics such as the strongest nuclear test, tests of missiles from medium range ballistic missiles (MRBM) to intercontinental ballistic missiles (ICBM), readiness to retaliate to any possible U.S. attack, appeared frequently. In addition, the reaction of U.S. president D. Trump about American readiness to solve the issue, sending armada or reacting with fire and fury, were also covered by media all around the world. With these developments a possibility of nuclear war was discussed for the first time since the end of Cold War. This article aims to look closer to the reasons of North Korean behaviour, not only in last few years but within the contest of the concept of strategic culture. This concept has been used to explain behaviour of powers mainly, but the article aims to prove it is a viable tool to explain the motives and perceptions of any state in international system. The article aspires to conclude that the North Korean foreign and security policy is necessary to perceive in more complex picture. The current situation in North Korea is a result of combination of several factors that are determining and that have formed its perception of international relations


Discourse on the Six Party Talks has focused solely on denuclearisation. Through the power struggles of the members and the refusal of the People’s Democratic Republic of Korea (DPRK) to return to negotiations, the Six Party Talks have been stalled since 2008. Due to current increased tensions and the use of brinkmanship tactics the Talks must be restarted, albeit under a reformed shape. This paper analyses the potential role of the EU in furthering the peace process in Northeast Asia. This paper suggests that the EU needs to be more assertive and the Talks should focus on building trust and cooperation, not on the DPRK’s nuclear program. With its impartiality, experience in integration and use of soft power, the EU can act as an effective mediator building trust.


The word-wide demand for energy is constantly increasing, and therefore ideas around future energy-generation are also on the increase with the aim of meeting this demand. This includes designs for the next generation of nuclear power reactors, such as gas-cooled, liquid-metal-cooled and water-cooled reactors; the goal being to create smarter ways to produce more economical, environmentally-friendly energy. The conditions such reactors would need to meet, present significant design challenges for scientist and engineers, not least around the structural materials and components to use. Depending on the operational conditions, use of elevated- temperature ferritic/martensitic materials such as P91 and P92 steel are favoured by several of the designs for use with out-of-core and in-core applications. The main goal behind this review article is to explain mechanical properties of P91 and P92 steel; these are two types of ferritic/martensitic steels. This reviewer, highlight and discuss the development of ferritic/martenisitc steels for nuclear programmes and to explain the effect of irradiation on mechanical properties of P91 and P92.


This paper explores the impact of economic sanctions on national economies, with specific focus on Iran. It starts by conceptualizing sanctions in the set of economic policies and include them in the framework of economic statecraft, according to literature available. Several hypotheses that attempt to anticipate the form of sanctions are advanced, according to the intensity of geopolitical competition among the states. The analysis uses the case study of the regime of United States’ sanctions against the Islamic Republic of Iran. Tehran and P5+1 powers (the permanent members of the United Nations Security Council and Germany) agreed on a deal regulating the nuclear program of Iran - Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action, meaning that Iran would reduce its nuclear activities drastically in exchange of lifting economic sanctions. In spite of the initial enthusiasm, United States announced in May 2018 the unilateral withdrawal from the deal and reinstating the sanctions regime, spiking new tensions in the relation with Iran. As a result, the paper discusses the context in which Iran tries to pursue economic goals in order to ensure resilience, while the US imposes more pressure. In addition, the study also approaches the dilemma whether sanctions can ultimately generate political answers and at what costs. In this context, it is identifying several alternatives in the Iranian case, together with noting the limits of conceptual refinements in terms of sanctions’ theory.

References 15. Zuoyi Zhang, Zongxin Wu, Yuanhui Xu, Yuliang Sun, & Fu Li (2004). Design of Chinese modular high-temperature gas-cooled Reactor HTR-PM. 2nd International Topical Meeting on HIGH TEMPERATURE REACTOR TECHNOLOGY, 8 (China). 16. Kiryushin, A., & Kodochigov, N. (2002). GT-MHR Project. OKB Mechanical Engineering, 5. Nizhny Novgorod (RF) . 17. Ferreira, T. (2003). South Africa’s nuclear programme. Science in Africa (Africa’s First On-Line Science Magazine), 5. 18. Gittus, J.H. (1999). The ESKOM pebble bed modular reactor. Nuclear Energy, 38 (4

. Environ. Biophys. , 31, 39—49. 5. Hohmann, U., Huckschlag, D., 2005: Investigations on the radiocaesium of wild boar ( Sus scrofa ) meat in Rhineland-Palatine: a stomach content analysis. European Journal of Wildlife Research , 51, 263—270. 6. IHE, 1987: Report on Radiation Situation in Czechoslovak Territory after Chernobyl Nuclear Accident (In Czech). Institute of Hygiene and Epidemiology — Radiation Hygiene Centre. The main nuclear programme information centre, Prague, 168 pp. 7. IOS Geneve, 1993: Guide to the Expression of Uncertainty in Measurement for

” (p. 359). The inter-state cohesion enabled by the war effort did not survive the new cold war petroleum order. Ideological disputes and conflicts between private, pro-market and public, state-driven visions of oil development “all within an increasing American influence in the Institute” (p. 361) destroyed the consensus. SAPI declined and was dismantled in 1957. The paper by Joseba De la Torre, M. d. Mar Rubio-Varas and Gloria Sanz Lafuente on the Spanish nuclear program describes the key role played by industrial engineers in private industry to promote

involved in the program. Hence, it was the will to join a multiparty defense program. The program which was to protect the whole trans-Atlantic area in case Iran wasn`t persuaded to give up its missile and nuclear programs. The program was supposed to complement the efforts of NATO, since the idea of creating two missile defense programs had been discussed in the Treaty for years. The first one would protect the units of NATO taking part in peace missions beyond the treaty area, e.g. in Afghanistan. The other one was about creating the defense against the

post-revolutionary Mexico. Since there was not an agreement resulting of this first AEC meeting, the impact of the Mexican position is not evident. But attending issues as those stated by the Mexican representation at the AEC, enables a more complete understanding of the manifold complex processes that shaped post-war nuclear diplomacy. Gabrielle Hecht has demonstrated the importance of thinking in terms of broader processes instead of only key moments of high bipolar politics about nuclear programs.71 Following a similar perspective, Jacques Hymans