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Abstract

Eleven years after Kosovo’s unilateral declaration of independence, Spain’s position vis-à-vis Kosovo has not only not varied, but it has become stronger, turning Madrid into the leader of the Kosovo non recognizers club within the EU. This paper analyses Kosovo-Spain relations in the last eleven years. More specifically, the paper examines the reasons behind the non-recognition of Kosovo and the approach of the Spanish governments toward Kosovo’s statehood. This is followed by a thorough analysis on how Kosovo’s path for self-determination played a major role in Catalonia’s quest for independence in 2017.

The empirical research demonstrates that Spain’s main reason not to recognise Kosovo is based on the country’s internal dynamics; namely, Catalonia and the Basque country. Likewise, the paper argues that the Spanish governments throughout the last eleven years have created an analogy between Kosovo and Catalonia; not in their political statements, but in their political decisions, by worsening the almost inexistent diplomatic relations with Kosovo, when the Catalan path for independence was at its highest peak. By the same token, the paper reveals that this position was enhanced and driven by Catalan separatism, that continuously used Kosovo’s unilateral declaration of independence as a model to further their own path for self-determination. The data provided and analysed in this paper as well as the statements made are based on desk research and seven semi-structured interviews conducted in Prishtina, Brussels, Madrid and Barcelona in 2018.

Abstract

A certain unity among the Baltic states emerged during their simultaneous fights for independence and for recognition by the great powers in Europe and the US. The recognition was given separately to Estonia, Latvia, and Lithuania, and not commonly to the Baltic states. This article tries to determine when and under what circumstances the Baltic question reached the institutions and leading persons dealing with foreign relations in the US as a separate problem independent of Russia. After the independence of the Baltic states, there followed a repelling attitude from the US and non-recognition until 1922.

Abstract

Particulate matter, one of the most recent social problems in Korea, not only poses a threat to people’s health, but is also emerging as a constraint to discourage outdoor leisure activities. Golf, a leisure sport played outdoors for hours, is not free from such a threat, and now is time to analyze golfers’ recognition of particulate matter. To examine whether particulate matter, among other constraints for golfers, had a significant effect as well as how golfers recognized particulate matter, we used 324 collected questionnaires in this study. After exploratory factor analysis and reliability analysis through SPSS 23.0, we divided questionnaire participants into recognition and non-recognition groups based on whether they checked and recognized atmospheric conditions, including particulate matter, before playing golf, and used multivariate analysis of variance (MANOVA) to compare and analyze leisure constraints. Respondents in the recognition group who recognized particulate matter in advance experienced participation constraints in weather and health factors, while those in the non-recognition group experienced participation constraints in skill and confidence factors. In other words, respondents participated in outdoor leisure activities even though they recognized the level of hazardous particulate matter in the air beforehand, and particulate matter worked as a participation constraint for them; this finding confirmed that it will be necessary in the future to take preventative action more actively against the danger of particulate matter.

(2010) [special issue] // http://gojil.unigoettingen.de/joomla/index.php?option=com_wrapper&view=wrapper&Itemid=71 Talmon, Stefan. kollektive Nichtanerkennung illegaler Staaten [Collective Non-Recognition of illegal states]. 1 st ed. Tübingen: Mohr Siebeck, 2006. Van Dijk, Pieter, Fried van Hoof, Arjen van Rijn, and Leo Zwaak, eds. Theory and Practice of the European Convention on Human Rights. 4 th ed. Antwerpen, Oxford: Intersentia, 2006. Villiger, Mark E. Handbuch der Europäischen Menschenrechtskonvention [Handbook of the European Convention on Human Rights

the Quest for De Facto Statehood. In: The International Spectator, Vol. 44, No. 4, pp. 27-45. DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03932720903351104. Biernacki, P. and Waldorf, D., 1981: Snowball Sampling: Problems and Techniques of Chain Refer ral Sampling. In: Sociological Methods & Research, Vol. 10, No. 2, pp. 141-163. DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/004912418101000205. Broers, L., 2005: The politics of non-recognition and democratisation. In: Broers, L., editor. The limits of leadership: Elites and societies in the Nagorny Karabakh peace process, London: Conciliation

-ENG-web.pdf Estonian External Intelligence Service 2019 International Security and Estonia (2019) https://www.valisluureamet.ee/pdf/raport-2019-ENG-web.pdf European Union (2017). The EU non-recognition policy for Crimea and Sevastopol: Fact Sheet. European Union External Action, published on 12 December 2017. https://eeas.europa.eu/headquarters/headquarters-Homepage/37464/eu-non-recognition-policy-crimea-and-sevastopol-fact-sheet_en European Union 2017 The EU non-recognition policy for Crimea and Sevastopol: Fact Sheet European Union External Action published on 12

various works related to damaged and unrepaired hydrocarbon pipelines in the field; the poor organisation of the various sewerage networks, the non-recognition and/or repair of damaged water pipes, excessive loading on collapsible soils and any activity that increases surface moisture in soils will cause them to collapse. Collapsible soils are metastable, unsaturated soils with a porous structure. They are often in the form of deposits. In the dry state, this type of soils can withstand high loads due to the natural cementation between the grains; however, even without

Mashood A. Baderin. 2014. Islamic Law in Practice . Vol. III. London: Routledge: Chapter 9: Secular Law and the Emergence of Unofficial Turkish Islamic Law. Yilmaz Ihsan. 2002 “Secular Law and the Emergence of Unofficial Turkish Islamic Law” The Middle East Journal 56 1 113 131 Reprinted in Mashood A. Baderin 2014 Islamic Law in Practice III London Routledge 9 Secular Law and the Emergence of Unofficial Turkish Islamic Law Yilmaz, Ihsan. 2003. “Non-Recognition of Post-Modern Turkish Socio-Legal Reality and Predicament of Women”, British Journal of Middle Eastern

provisional including protecting measures.31 Above interesting is the question of alternative jurisdiction. Since the pro- posal of the regulation on matrimonial property regimes is merely in enhanced cooperation, the regulation foresees that the national private international law may not recognise the marriage in question for the purposes of matrimonial regime proceedings. It is only by the way of the exception, but the court that would have had the jurisdiction according to art. 4 to 8 may decline its jurisdic- tion based on the non-recognition of the marriage. If

dogma). The non-recognition of the Deity and Messiahship of Christ by Israel amounted to transferring the „promise” to the Gentiles: the Church is first of all, „the Church of the Gen- tiles” (ecclesia ex gentibus). In the Russian patristic and theologian’s opinion, the „calling of the nations” means that Hellenism became blessed by God - it was not a „historical accident,” but a providential divine work like the Old Covenant, the selection of Israel as the „chosen people” of Yahweh. „In any case - adds Fr Florovsky - what is certain is that the Gospel was given