The purpose of this article is to present the Hungarian security policy over the last two years, focused on the migrant crisis. This policy is explained on the basis of the National Security Strategy. According to the Strategy, the migration is treated as a natural and at the same time complex phenomenon, bringing economic and demographic advantages and, at the same time, carrying public and national security risks. It is concluded that resolving the crisis is one of the most important priorities of the Hungarian security policy. The paper highlights the differences between the Hungarian security policy and the official policy of the EU. Like the other members of the Visegrád Group, Budapest is against the quota system for the allocation of migrants. The position of Hungary is that the discussion of the migrant problem both in the Group and at EU level should be based on the concept of effective solidarity. The country supports European integration of the Western Balkans. The study is based on documents, mainly of the Visegrád Group, and materials from the media.
The migration crisis and related challenges for the future of the Schengen area are some of the main problems facing the EU. The opinion of the Visegrad Four on this issue, however, seriously differs from that of Brussels. Poland, Hungary, the Czech Republic and Slovakia are firmly against the quota principle in the allocation of migrants. The aim of this article is to present the migrant crisis as a top priority during the fifth in the history Polish rotating presidency of the Visegrad Four - from July 1, 2016 to June 30, 2017. This objective will be realized through the implementation of basic tasks - analysis of the documents adopted at the forums of the organization, and the views of leading politicians from the Visegrad countries
The purpose of this article is to present the policy of the countries of the Visegrád Group regarding the problem of migrants from the Near East and North Africa. The study is based on materials from the media and it reveals the position of the Visegrád Group, which differs from that of Brussels, because the four countries are against the introduction of quotas for migrants. The article states that according to them the priority of the common European policy on the issue should be the removal of the root causes of migrant crisis, first and foremost the termination of the war in Syria.
The article analyzes the reaction of German media to the assaults on women in Cologne and other German and European cities on New Year’s Eve 2015/2016. Nationwide TV channels and newspapers, with rare exceptions, did not report about the events till January 4 or even 5, causing outrage in social networks. This is serious evidence of deep problems in German and Western journalism. Due to the abundance of information resources, the mainstream media hold no monopoly on news delivery anymore. If they continue to compromise themselves, there is a danger of reorientation of the Western audience towards alternative sources of information: extremist Internet resources and foreign media, first of all the Russian ones.
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COVID-19 pandemic has affected and still affects many countries in the world, reshaping many of the economic and social activities. Based on the results of an online survey, this paper highlights the perceptions of the way the pandemic has affected one of the most vulnerable categories in a society, migrants. We focus our research on the migrants and refugees from Middle East and North Africa (MENA) countries, living in Europe, as in the recent years and mostly after the migrant crisis in 2015, they are in large numbers in European countries. Using ANOVA models, our results show that unemployed migrants, students but also migrants who find it difficult on present income are most worried about the COVID-19 crisis and fell they will be greatly affected in terms of income and employment by this crisis. Also, women are more worried by COVID-19 than men with respect to the health aspect.
Applying MIPVU (Steen et al., 2010) to the corpus of media articles about the European migrant crisis in the period from August 2015 until March 2016 in English and Bosnian/Croatian/Serbian, this paper analyzes the IMMIGRANTS ARE ANIMALS metaphor within the framework of the deliberate metaphor theory by considering the three dimensions of this metaphor, namely, the linguistic dimension of (in)directness, the conceptual parameter of conventionality, and the communicative dimension of (non)deliberateness. Specifically, the paper examines the use of the ANIMALS metaphor as a deliberate metaphor in the immigration discourse in English and Bosnian/Croatian/Serbian. The paper aims to determine to what extent and in which situations the authors of the texts tend to divert the addressee’s attention to viewing immigrants in terms of animals. Using the IDeM protocol for the identification of deliberate metaphor (Krennmayr, 2011), the paper also focuses on the rhetorical potential and the effects of the use of deliberate metaphors in the media discourse. Such metaphors are often used in the media discourse to dehumanize immigrants and consequently reduce the addressee’s empathy for them.
Serbian party system is in the phase of reconfiguration which can be perceived as the outcome of domestic incentives (crisis of democratic transition and of democratic rule) and the international one (economic and migrant crisis). On one side, this reconfiguration includes emergence of predominant ruling party (Serbian Progressive Party, SNS) with strong leader and popular support; on the other side, the opposition camp has been atomized into number of smaller parties. Most of these parties are the new one (including the SNS) and founded after 2008 elections and creation of pro-EU consensus among relevant parties; post-2008 period has been characterized by the decline of almost all old parties, followed by emergence, partial success and fast decline of a large number of new actors. In this paper I am investigating if these new parties can be explained as the unexpected consequence of ideological and political stability after 2008 elections, tactical narrowing of the ideological space and cartelization of the party system. Analysis will focus at populist and anti-partisan ideas, their interplay and different ideological interpretation.
A quarter of a century ago, the Soviet Union dissolved and the Cold War ended. Now the current political era involves a broad challenge to liberal democracy in the European Union. Central European countries such as the Czech Republic, Hungary, the Republic of Poland, and the Slovak Republic (‘the Visegrád Group’) joined the EU in 2004 with the hope that the post-Cold War era would be one of peace and stability in Europe, including (most importantly) the expansion of Europe’s democracy. A turning point came in 2014, however, when the Syrian refugee crisis hit the EU and caused a political ‘about face’. The European refugee and migrant crisis have strengthened right-wing populism among the European countries, including the Visegrád group. Obviously there are certainly similarities between the populist rhetoric of Hungary’s ruling party, Fidesz, and the Law and Justice party (known as PiS) which is governing the Republic of Poland. The two countries appear to be following the same path of becoming ‘illiberal democratic’ states. The templates of authoritarianism which both countries have adopted involve the following: the restriction of civil society and the independence of the media, control of the judiciary and the court system, together with the transformation of the constitutional framework and electoral law in order to consolidate power. This paper analyses two examples of authoritarian populist leaders: first, Viktor Orbán, the Prime Minister of Hungary of the Fidesz Party and, second, Jarosław Kaczyński, a leader of the Law and Justice Party (PiS) in Poland. A brief description of each is provided as a background for the discussion which follows.
Works Cited Appadurai, Arjun. Fear of Small Numbers: An Essay on the Geography of Anger . Durham: Duke University Press, 2006. Bauman, Zygmunt. Liquid Modernity [2 nd Edition]. Cambridge: Polity, 2012. Bauman, Zygmunt. “From Pilgrim to Tourist – or a Short History of Identity” in Hall, S. & du Gay, P. (2011) Questions of Cultural Identity . London: Sage, 1996. Bauman, Zygmunt and Leonidas Donskis. Moral Blindness: The Loss of Sensitivity in Liquid Modernity . Cambridge: Polity, 2013. “Europe migrantcrisis.” BBC News . British Broadcasting Corporation