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The article deals with some peculiarities of highlighting sociopolitical events in Ukraine in autumn 2013 and in winter 2014 by some leading Ukrainian and Russian printed mass media and their personal attitude concerning the course of these events.
Sociopolitical situation that was created in Ukraine at the end of 2013 proved that sizable gap between the public and power holders’ conscience, progress and regression. The discrepancies in the future vision of geopolitical location of Ukraine led to the mass protests that started in November 2013. The events that took place in the night from 29th to 30th of November and during January - February 2014 made the front page of all mass media, both Ukrainian and foreign, and those of the Russian Federation in particular.
Great attention to highlighting the Ukrainian events during autumn 2013 and winter 2014 was paid by the journalists of the leading media, such as P. Beba, K. Matsehora, Y. Medunitsia, V. Protsyshyn – reporters of the central Executive body newspaper “Uriadovyi Kurier” (translated as “the governmental messenger”); O. Kucheriava, S. Lavreniuk – the newspaper of Verkhovna Rada “Holos Ukrainy” (translated as “the voice of Ukraine”); E. tor of Haladzhyi, D. Deriy, O. Dubovyk – the Ukrainian Russian-language newspaper “Komsomolskaya Pravda v Ukraini” (translated as “the komsomol truth in Ukraine”); P. Dulman, E. Hrushyn – the Russian language newspaper “Rossiyskaya Gazeta” (translated as “the Russian gazette”); A. Zakharova – the Ukrainian Russian-language newspaper “Segodnia” (translated as “today”). At the same time the events related to the sociopolitical protests that were covered in all mass media had some tonal marking: positive to the authority, negative to the authority, negative to the opposition, reserved to the opposition, negative to MIA (Ministry of Internal Affairs), positive to MIA, negative and positive to the participants of the mass protests, neutral, etc.
The paper analyzes the transformation of identity politics of Kharkiv local authorities after the Euromaidan, or Revolution of Dignity, the annexation of Crimea, and the War in Donbass. Being the second largest city in Ukraine and becoming the frontline city in 2014, Kharkiv is an interesting case for research on how former pro-Russian local elites treat new policies of the central government in Kyiv, on whether earlier they tried to mobilize their electorate or to provoke political opponents with using soviet symbols, soviet memory, and copying Russian initiatives in the sphere of identity.
To answer the research question of this article, an analysis of Kharkiv city and oblast programs and strategies and of communal media were made. Decommunisation, as one of the most important identity projects of Ukrainian central authorities after 2014, was analyzed through publications in Kharkiv’s city-owned media as well as reports from other scholars. Some conclusions are made from the analysis of these documents: Kharkiv development strategy until 2020, Complex program of cultural development in Kharkiv in 2011–2016 (and the same for 2017–2021), The regional program of military and patriotic training and participation of people in measures of defense work in 2015–2017, Program of supporting civil society in 2016–2020 in Kharkiv region and the city mayor’s orders about the celebration of Victory Day (9 May), the Day of the National Flag (23 August), the Day of the City (23 August) and Independence Day (24 August) in 2010–2015.
The main changes in the development of identity of Ukrainians after the Euromaidan revolution and their influence on internal geopolitics of the state are presented in the paper. The authors have made a critical overview of the key psychological and symbolic domains of Galician and Little-Russian identity, drawing attention on their changes in the context of the current geopolitical conflict which led to the loss of territory in 2014. Throughout all the 20th century and nowadays, these identities form the political and cultural landscape of Ukraine and generate a number of social divisions. Apart from those identity issues and their preconditions, the obstacles for the realisation of the policy of Ukrainian nation-building are also discussed. The authors conclude that there is a tendency to strengthen the role of the Ukrainian language and break the ties with Russia in a radical way as well as expansion of the pro-Western attitudes and expectations. In terms of mentality and civilizational values, the widening gap between millions of Russians and Russian-speaking Ukrainians from the East and the population of the central and western regions of Ukraine is also pointed out.
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