Miroslav Michela, Michaela Kůželová and Anna Vrtálková
The call of European Commission of the Horizon 2020 programme, entitled Cultural Opposition in the Former Socialist Countries, was based on the assumption that there are a number of historical sources pointing out the great variability of independent cultural activities and movements opposed to socialist regimes in Europe. The call highlighted that the evidence of civic and political courage played an important role after 1989 and launched a competition to create a general online register of these collections. The text is dedicated to a presentation of the winning consortium called COURAGE (Cultural Opposition – Understanding the CultuRal HeritAGE of Dissent in the Former Socialist Countries). Representatives of the Czech part of the project team make readers familiar with planned activities and, in particular, with the activities related to the creation of an online register which gives closer information on the destiny of various collections, combine the activity of agents and thus provide a unique insight into the history of the Cultural Opposition activities through both the history and the present of selected collections.
The change of the political regime in Romania determined a real revolution in the activity of the trade unions which suddenly had to change their objectives and their working methods. These organisations were in a position to struggle for the status of universities and their professors in a society that considered that 3% of GDP for education is too much. Is possible to understand that trade unions acting instead of universities managers, but immediately after 1989, the rectors and their teams depended by the politicians in a way that they cannot ask more for the needs of universities, and these situations are comparable with ones manifested in other countries, like Peru, Bolivia or Ecuador (Haggard and Kaufmann, 1995). The social and professional involvement of university unions is now much more significant, and their role in the life of higher education institutions is becoming more and more imperative. Not only do they struggle for financial resources and real autonomy, but they also support the didactic and research activities of their members. They also try to prevent and stop the abuse of university leaders. This work aims to present the activity of the union of UniversitasTimisiensis (West University of Timisoara), the role it plays to increase the cohesion between its members and the cooperation with other university unions of Romania. We will also present some current and future solutions that can develop the competitiveness of our institution to make it more attractive not only for professors and researchers but also for students.
Methodology: In almost two decades we have observed that the role of education is treated differently in political declarations and public budgetary allocation. We tried to understand what the causes of these differences are, and we noticed that the formal voice of different union federations (there are four in the education field in Romania) is quite the same, but also there are some informal arrangements with governmental officials. Even in the higher education area, there are different aspects related to the goals of groups of universities (comprehensive, technical, medical) so the cohesion of different unions can be only apparent. We tried to investigate these aspects using quantitative research based on data supplied by Eurostat and National Institute of Statistics and about 15 interviews with different persons involved in the management of union organisations to see the characteristics of common patterns and also the specific differences.
Findings: We discovered that in the field of education there is a paradox of functionality of a system. All political parties sustain the idea of a consistent allocation of resources for education (there is a National Pact for Education signed by all parties in 2008 and assumed by all other parties that appeared after 2008), but in ten years the allocation was around 3% of GDP that represents only half of the agreement. The unions were forced to adopt different strategies in an unfriendly environment: they cooperated in most of the cases but, due to the lack of resources, they had to rally to the positions of the management of universities and that sometimes determined the dissent with other unions.
Value Added: It can be assumed that the unions can have an important role in education environment, even if they act in cohesion (most of the cases) and dissent (especially in case of improvement the position of the home university). The cohedissent (we try to underline the combination between the terms cohesion and dissent because it is almost impossible to have only cohesion in educational area) behaviour can represent a key factor to understanding the specificity of the role of university unions in improving the educational environment and insending more suggestive messages to the political parties.
Recommendations: The scientific research in universities is an essential aspect of higher education and the specific research within and between university unions can potentiate the activities of teachers and researchers. The cooperation between unions must be improved and the dissent must be used constructively.
The paper puts the topic of Cultural Opposition into the historical and social context of the long twenty-year period of 1969–1989 normalization. It is devoted to the changes of the regime, the international embedding of Husák’s Czechoslovakia, the repression since the mid-1970s as well as the economic problems of the state, especially in the 1980s. Attention is paid to opposition activities and the underground movement.
A lively exchange in recent epistemology considers the problem of epistemic disagreement between peers: disagreement between those who share evidence and have equal cognitive abilities. Two main views have emerged about how to proceed in such circumstances: be steadfast in maintaining one’s own view or conciliate, and suspend or reduce one’s confidence in one’s belief. Talmudic debates do seem to promote steadfastness, as the disputants are not called on to conciliate purely because they confront a disagreeing peer. But why? Third party judgments are even more problematic, for what epistemic warrant is there for choosing between a disagreement of superiors? A common explanation for Talmudic steadfastness is the notion ’elu w’elu divrey ’Elohim kayim – both sides of Talmudic (or, more generally, halakhic) disputes have ‘heavenly’ legitimacy. But a closer look at this oft-quoted dictum and its various interpretations does not, in fact, reveal such support for steadfastness. Other explanations for Talmudic steadfastness are, therefore, required.
Court to join in an opinion that denounced the goals of the that committee or its counterpart, the Senate Subcommittee on Internal Security (“SSIS”), rather than just the procedures followed in pursing those goals— Watkins v. United States . Watkins v. United States, 354 U.S. 178 (1957). Throughout his entire sixteen-year tenure as Chief Justice, Warren either dissented from opinions upholding Congress’s power to punish people for refusing to testify before (or turn over documents to) HUAC or SSIS, Braden v. United States, 365 U.S. 431 (1961); Wilkinson v. United
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Buckley v. Valeo was the “Trump for President” decision because it decided, over powerful dissent, that the First Amendment to the U.S. Constitution protected unlimited spending of money on one’s own political campaign. As he proclaimed during his primaries, Trump financed himself with his inherited wealth, via loans from one of his companies. Buckley long pre-dates the also disastrous decision in Citizens United v. Federal Election Commission . Citizens United v. FEC, 558 U.S. 310 (2010). See Wendy L. Hansen et al., The Effects of Citizens United on
General Franco’s censorship apparatus was quick to pounce on the intellectual dissent in the essays written by Maria Aurèlia Capmany from 1968 to 1978. Based on censorship records, this article analyses the ideological way that those in charge of issuing the reports read her essays. The essays that suffered the most in the hands of the censors were La joventut és una nova classe? (1969), Pedra de toc (1970), El feminismo ibérico (1970) and El feminisme a Catalunya (1973).