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Resources. Browne, K., 2005: Snowball sampling: using social networks to research non‐heterosexual women. In: International Journal of Social Research Methodology, Vol. 8, No. 1, pp. 47-60. DOI: Caspersen, N., 2008a: Separatism and the Democracy in the Caucasus. In: Survival, Vol. 50, No. 4, pp. 113-136. DOI: Caspersen, N., 2008b: From Kosovo to Karabakh: International Responses to De Facto States. In: Südosteuropa, Vol. 56, No. 1, pp. 58-83. Caspersen, N., 2009: Playing the

-Soviet De Facto States. In: Contemporary European Studies, Vol. 6, No. 2, pp. 69-85. ICG Europe Report No. 159. Georgia: Avoiding War in South Ossetia. 26 November 2004, available from: ICG Europe Report No. 205. South Ossetia: The Burden of Recognition. 7. June 2010, available from: Kleveman, L ., 2003: The New Great Game, New York: Grove Press. Kolossov, M. and O

of Crimea and Attempts to Justify It in the Context of International Law. Lithuanian Annual Strategic Review, 14, pp.11-63. O’Tuathail, G., 1996. Critical Geopolitics. London: Routledge. Parker, N., Adler-Nissen, R., 2012. Picking and Choosing the ‘Sovereign’ Border: A Theory of Changing State Bordering Practices. Geopolitics, 17, 773-796. Parliament of Georgia, 2008. Law of Georgia on Occupied Territories. Pegg, S., 1998. International Society and the De Facto States. Aldershot: Ashgate. Saakashvili, M., 2004. Speech at the 59th Session of the UN General Assembly

engagement with recognition but without incorporation. The latter means that Russia has become the ultima- te guarantor of the security of the two entities after the 2008 war, while prior to the war was also distributing Russian passports to Abkhazians and South Ossetians (this policy which is known as “passportizatsiya”). Moreover, Russia provides the bulk of both de facto states’ national budgets. It has been rising over the years and currently it amounts to 70% in Abkhazia’s budget and 90% in case of South Ossetia.9 The current National Security Concept of Georgia

win-lose outcome. But in the present case, there is no compromise without at least some losers”32. Meanwhile, Russia keeps in its hand the destiny of the post-Soviet space: the de facto states are destabilized enough to prevent any further opening to the West and the spectre of Crimea keeps the countries with Russian mino- rities in line. Despite this Cold War revival, the resilience of NATO and EU prevents open conflicts and somehow grants the security of the Baltic States, even though the political debate in the region is focused on the Russian threat. In