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In the first part of the twentieth century, some members of the French- or Chinese-educated but indigenous religious, economic, and political elite in southern Vietnam (Cochin-China) intensively engaged in spirit-medium practices. Many of them set up or joined the new Cao Đài religion and its spirit-medium séances. Integrating in their pantheon religious figures from Buddhism, Daoism, Confucianism, and even Catholicism, Cao Đài leaders deliberately challenged the orthodoxies at that time, tactically undermining the local religious elites, but also proposing a universal theological redemption and moral reform through the publication of their new set of spirit medium messages. Very quickly after the creation of Caodaism in 1926, various groups branched off, borrowing and adapting this reformed and orthodox posture within the Cao Đài community itself. While the Cao Đài canon may be well-known to scholars, Cao Đài community journals have yet to be examined in detail, although they often served as incubators for the Cao Đài quest for orthodoxy and a modern path to salvation. Based on archival studies and field research trips to the relevant areas, this paper aims to show how collective and individual actors of these Cao Đài groups have mobilised institutional, rhetorical, ideological, media-based, and other resources to assure and legitimise their authority. Simultaneously, we will see how the Cao Đài religion emerged from very unique kinds of “redemptive societies,” combining both Western and Eastern esotericism to articulate new Asian expressions of orthodoxy, universal values, and cosmopolitanism.
The paper investigates into the specific features of the residents living in the metropolitan areas (MAs) in Poland. Basing on the statistical data and survey conducted in the two Polish MAs we draw conclusions on the spatial and political behaviour of metropolitan residents and on their territorial identity. The results show that a fair share of metropolitan residents live in a scale wider then their home municipality. Moreover some citizens (especially those who migrated to suburbs recently and those with higher education) reveal stronger spatial identity with the whole metropolitan area then with their home municipality. Delocalisation is also reflected in the lack of interest in municipal politics and low trust in suburb municipal politicians, while their interest in general politics remains on a high level.