The period sees the transition of the ordinary fighter from feudal levy, yeoman or city burgher militia, to subject in an absolute polity, to today’s concept of the free citizen in a democratic state. In the period, the Swiss Confederacy was the only major polity that was not monarchical, but republican, and at the same time eschewed a standing army in favour of continued reliance on militia throughout.
A commonwealth’s military organisation is clearly one of fundamental importance to its own understanding of the nature of rule - its “constitution”. The article traces the transition and relates it to the concept of government under the different theories of the period.
This article investigates the intersections of historical memory and political behavior during England’s “Exclusion Crisis” of 1679-1681. In doing so, I bring together theorists of social and historical memory in interpreting the Exclusion Crisis polemic. Between 1679 and 1681, opposition Whigs and Loyalist Tories rehashed sixteenth-century Elizabethan history because it provided potent analogues to the contemporary crisis over the succession. Through an analysis of parliamentary debates and historical writing, I argue that England’s sixteenth-century history was an integral part of the contemporary political debate. The context of Elizabeth’s Treason Act and the imprisonment of Mary, Queen of Scots provided historical parallels that opposition writers used to justify the exclusion of the Duke of York as well as make claims for parliamentary sovereignty in determining the succession. The Elizabethan era provided a wellspring of historical examples that could be culled to refute arguments for monarchial divineright absolutism. Rather than foreground the role of political theory in structuring attitudes and assumptions about the monarchy and parliament, this article sets out to show that sixteenth-century historical polemic set the terms of contemporary debate and, thus, influenced political outcomes.
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works of whom there are traces of absolutism,
writes Berger. One example of this could be Maurice Halbwachs, who rejects the
absolutist concept the least and according to whom space is nothing more than
the background of social activity; Émile Durkheim’s morphological concept was
closely connected to the absolutist concept of space – although, as Berger sees
it, his social morphological analyses go beyond the absolutist concept of space.
The author chose the method of historical reconstruction of sociology to
present the pathfinding of sociology that ultimately
of ‘one-fit-all’ approaches tends to disregard that the filtering processes allow only some
of these elements to be incorporated, while others are ignored. There are no a priori
reasons to believe that all the essential components of social reality are passing the
Furthermore, the claim of ‘pure objectivity’ does not account for the fact that the
architecture of the core meta-hypotheses, translating the social reality data into
symbolic representations, might be affected by pre-existent ideological biases. If the
crucial fact that
constitutional democracy which is not ‘the power of the majority because
there can exist an absolutism of “the several”, or a legislative absolutism
similar to the absolutism […] “of one alone” or a royal absolutism’15.
Let me conclude on a slightly personal note by saying that it is quite
disconcerting and baffling to a European ear to hear staunch conservatives (I
certainly understand progressives like Raskin) denouncing judicial elitism
and passionately extolling the virtues of unchecked majoritarian rule. While
American and European historical experiences are
particular category of interpreters,
i.e. the dragomans, the book “casts light on an entire age, it urges us
to reflect” (Pop, p. 7), so as to gain better knowledge of epochs long
gone and a finer understanding of an “entire universe, quasi-
unknown in the West and even in Romania” (Pop, p. 7).
Paradoxically, the dragomans “connected or reconnected us [...] with
Western Europe, with the civilised world, with the Enlightenment
and enlightened absolutism”, opening up our world to cultural
confluences and setting “a foundation stone in the process of
bringing closer the two
passió política (2014) and Rossend
Arús i Arderius’s Lo primer any republicà (1873) and Mai més monarquia! (1873). These comedies crave
regeneration and condemn absolutism, corruption, capital outflow, politicians’ changing allegiances, hypocrisy,
the centralism of Madrid, the clergy, repression, and the death penalty. Conversely, Sansano argues that the
jocose and entertaining nature of the Valencian theatre, whose recipients were generally popular classes with a
rural background and conservative ideology, prevents a more critical view of social changes promoted