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The Icelandic constitutional movement was created to address and develop a new constitutional form based upon transparency, responsibility and participation. Taking into consideration the events, which took place in 2008 this expectation appeared more than legitimate. Furthermore, the quality of the debate, which took place within the civil society and in the cooperation between civil society and Constitutional Council, are very meaningful elements supporting a genuine possibility of change. The aim of implementing a participation-based constitution may lead to the diversification of the Icelandic project with respect to the typology of the existing constitution. This may produce as a result the development of new checks and balances. For this reason the development of public local services may be an opportunity to develop a social balance with respect of the constitution in force, as well as a living constitution starting from below. In this way the values purported by civil society may lead to higher levels of political freedom and finally to the approval of a new constitution. To keep the Icelandic process communicatively open in a transnational perspective may thus permit other persons to contribute to the development of Icelandic democracy. It may furthermore offer the Icelandic example as a useful tool that could be used by many world societies aiming to implement transparency, responsibility and participation in their public life. Indeed, even though the Constitutional Bill of 2011 will not finally be validly approved as the Icelandic constitution, the problems that it posed, and the possibilities that we see are stemming from them, have in our opinion a general importance for constitutional reflections.

Justice: The Polish Example, The Case of Lustration’ (2007) 1 European Journal of Legal Studies 2. Available online: (visited 22 February 2018). Sanford G, Military Rule in Poland: The Rebuilding of Communist Power, 1981-1983 (Palgrave Macmillan 1986). Sarnecki P, ‘Ustrój polityczny Polski po wejściu w życie ustawy konstytucyjnej z 7 kwietnia 1989 r.’, (2009) 3(92) Przegląd Sejmowy 17. Schmitt C, Theory of Constitution-making Power (Duke University Press 2008) 144. Şen IG, Sovereignty

. Die Geschichte der juristischen Fakultät der FriedrichWilhelms Universität zu Berlin im Umbruch von Weimar [History of the Faculty of Law at the Friedrich Wilhelms-University Berlin at the Transformation to the Weimar Republic]. Berlin: Berliner Wissenschaftsverlag, 2009. 16. Köstler, Rudolf. “Das neue österreichische Konkordat” [The New Austrian Concordat]. Zeitschrift für öffentliches Recht 15 (1935): 1-33. 17. Kraft-Fuchs, Margit. “Prinzipielle Bemerkungen zu Carl Schmitts Verfassungslehre” [Principle Remarks on Carl Schmitt’s Theory of Constitution

conservative issue” but “an issue of constitutional interpretation.” Justice Antonin Scalia, A Theory of Constitution Interpretation , Catholic University of America, Washington DC, address delivered Oct. 18, 1996. V Conclusion Ortiz provides three possible explanations for Buckley’s holding that election expenditure limits are offensive to the First Amendment: that, irrespective of the government’s interest, the First Amendment simply forbids control of speech in that way; Ortiz, supra note 92, at 14. that money follows popular support and, thus, poses no overall