United Europe-China relations have a long history. For many years they have developed successfully, but not along a simple course. The main thesis of this article is that the year 2008, which is associated primarily with the onset of the financial crisis in Europe, became a watershed in the history of bilateral relations between EU and China. Over the past few years the agenda and the role of the actors, and also the content and format of discourse have changed dramatically. This article is devoted primarily to some aspects of the EU’s position in relation to China and, to a lesser extent, to the position of the People’s Republic of China (PRC). Therefore the history of contacts between the two sides will be considered especially in the light of some EU publications, while China will be outside our primary area of focus. Unlike many studies on economic cooperation between EU and China, our paper will accentuate the political component of the relationship. We shall try to demonstrate that, beginning with 2008, Europe has been partly losing its status as the driving force in the EU-China dialogue. We will conclude by addressing the problem of adequate understanding of Chinese political texts, without which no political communication of Europe with China can be successful. A critical analysis of a recent document prepared by the EU eliminates some problematical points within the united Europe, which affect the effectiveness of its Chinese policy. Our method can be described as eclectic in the sense that it borrows arguments from a variety of political research techniques and terminologies (discourse analysis, historical institutionalism, engagement and stakeholder theories), as well as from sinological (by which we understand the analysis of Chinese texts in the cultural perspective) and historical approaches.
performed in the Hangzhou area of Zhejiang Province, People’sRepublicofChina (PRC). In this report, we describe a Han Chinese family with maternally-inherited AINHL. Sequence analysis of the mitochondrial genome showed the presence of C1494T and G7444A pathogenic variants.
Materials and methods
As a part of genetic screening program for hearing loss, a three-generation Han Chinese family (as shown in Figure 1 ) was found at the Department of Otolaryngology, Hangzhou First People’s Hospital, Zhejiang Province, PRC. Informed consent was obtained from
This paper examines the purchasing power parity (PPP) theorem adjusted the “productivity-bias hypothesis” or the Balassa-Samuelson effect (Balassa, 1964; Samuelson, 1964) for eight East Asian countries including Japan, New Industrializing Economies (NIE-3: Singapore; Hong Kong, China; and Korea), the ASEAN-3 (Malaysia, Indonesia and the Philippines) and the People’s Republic of China (PRC). This paper applies three methods of analysis i.e. univariate time series, multivariate regression and Johansen multivariate cointegration. The three methods give the same conclusions. First, the PPP hypothesis does not hold in the case of the eight East Asian countries. Second, non-traded goods give significant contribution on the PPP deviation. It is confirmed by the existence of Balassa-Samuelson effect.
Many hotels are owned by a few dozen so-called hotel chains or hotel systems. The rapid growth of big hotel companies can be regarded as proof of the entrance of hotel systems into the globalisation phase. Since 2006, companies from the People’s Republic of China (PRC) have been among the world’s top hotel systems. This year can be considered as the symbolic beginning of a new stage in the history of the largest hotel systems. This paper shows two main trends. On the one hand, the processes that could be observed in the market of the major global hotel systems from the 1990s are still discernible (for example, the position of the so-called hotel megasystems). On the other hand, new trends have come to the fore in recent years, notably the emergence of systems from the People’s Republic of China among the world’s largest hotel systems.
This paper comparatively examines steps taken to further gender equality and end discrimination against women by Japan and the People’s Republic of China (PRC) between 1995 and 2010. The theoretical framework is set by the Beijing Platform for Action, adopted at the United Nations “Fourth World Conference on Women” in 1995, which sought to encompass the full scope of discrimination against women in twelve critical areas of concern. Although universally agreed upon, the platform is not legally binding, which limits its applicability and impact in practice. The results of this analysis show that both states pursued a very similar approach in the implementation of the platform: they developed ambitious national plans and revised domestic laws while failing to address the root causes for gender-based discrimination. Both seem to have understood the document as a non-exhaustive list of suggested priority areas and have addressed important issues insufficiently or not at all. There is a lack of political will, which seems to partially result from cultural stereotypes common to both states. As a result, most women in the PRC and Japan have not benefitted from the selective measures taken in the framework of the platform’s national implementation and continue to face discrimination.
The Belt and Road Initiative proclaimed by President Xi in 2013, a strategy developed by the Chinese government, is very important to China but is not confined to China. In order for the initiative to be successful it needs to be embraced by the countries on the terrestrial and maritime route indicated in the plan. In the late 1980s Deng Xiaoping proposed to integrate Socialism with Chinese Characteristics (Zhongguo Tese Shehui Zhuyi, ) into global capitalism and in the 1990s the Jiang Zemin leadership initiated the Going out policy (Zouchuqu Zhanlue, ) – the current Belt and Road Initiative is China’s continuation in implementing those policies into actual deeds. China’s accession to WTO in 2001 marked China’s full integration into the global economy and since then the People’s Republic of China (PRC) has become the largest trading partner for more than 180 countries. The Xi-Li administration has been extremely proactive since it was established in 2012; from that year on, Chinese behavior in international affairs has gained an ever-growing role as a forger of economic and diplomatic ties between countries. The primary example of this behavior is the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). As every serious foreign policy plan, the BRI is an accumulation of various other initiatives. For example, the cooperation mechanism “16+1”, with which the PRC has approached Central and Eastern European Countries (CEEC), can be integrated under the BRI. This paper analizes the “16+1” China-CEEC cooperation mechanism in the context of the bigger BRI initiative, and tries to comprehend the economic and political factors intertwined with its implementation.
Yun Wei, Ying Yu, Lifeng Xu, Wei Huang, Jianhua Guo, Ying Wan and Jinde Cao
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c, http://www.mrcmekong.org/about-the-mrc/upstream-partners-2/, accessed February 2014
Menniken, Timo. “China’s Performance in International Resource Politics: Lessons from the Mekong.” In Contemporary Southeast Asia, 29/1, 2007, pp. 97-120
Ministry of Foreign Affairs (MOFA) of the People’sRepublicofChina (PRC). “Chinese Consulate-General in Luang Prabang Opens.” 2013, http://www.mfa.gov.cn/eng/wjb/zwjg/zwbd/t1114409.shtml, accessed April 2014
Mirumachi, Naho and John Anthony Allan. “Revisiting Transboundary Water
J Yang, J-X An, X-L Liu, Z-Q Wang, G-M Xie, X-L Yang, S-J Xu, F Feng and Y Ni
types of neuronal cells. In addition, neurofibromin activates protein by down-regulating the function of the renin-angiotensin system (RAS) [ 1 ].
Two individuals in a Chinese family were clinically diagnosed with NF1, based on the consensus criteria of the National Institutes of Health (NIH) [ 2 ], at the Gansu Provincial Maternity and Child-Care Hospital, LanZhou, Gansu Province, People’sRepublicofChina (PRC) ( Figure 1 ). In our hospital, detailed physical examination, laboratory investigations were done. The proband (II-1) was a 31-year
pathogenicity scoring system for these mutations.
Materials and Methods
Since January 2015, a total of 200 lung cancer patients (45.0% females and 55.0% males, aged 45 to 55 years) were recruited from the First Affiliated Hospital, Soochow University, Suzhou, People’sRepublicofChina (PRC). Moreover, 100 unrelated healthy controls, age- and gender-matched, were collected in the same area. Blood and experimental procedures were approved by the Ethics Committee of Soochow University, Suzhou, PRC. A signed informed consent was obtained from by all