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Inter-ethnic relations between Albanians and Macedonians in Macedonia have been rather problematic since the times of former Yugoslavia. After independence, the new constitution of the Republic of Macedonia instead of improving it has further downgraded the position of Albanians and other minorities living in the country. The non-fulfilment of Albanians’ core demands led to an armed conflict in 2001. The Ohrid Agreement has in addition to ending the armed conflict, also provided for a range of legislative and policy measures to improve the position of the Albanians by ensuring equality and minority protection. However, 16 years after the Ohrid Agreement, inter-ethnic relations in Macedonia still remain burdened by prejudice and stereotypes, rather than cooperation and mutual prosperity. The main aim of the paper is to analyse the state of inter-ethnic relations in Macedonia, with special focus on relations between ethnic Macedonians and ethnic Albanians. The paper also offers an analysis of main factors that contribute to inter-ethnic tensions in the country and explores possible scenarios in the future. The most relevant part of the paper analyses the causality between inter-ethnic and interstate relations. The paper claims that similarly to most of the countries in the Western Balkans, inter-ethnic and interstate relations are basically the components of the same equation. The paper concludes that in Macedonia, Kosovo rather than Albania is much more relevant for the causality between inter-ethnic and interstate relations in Macedonia, and it also offers several reasons to support such thesis. Accordingly, the overall inter-ethnic relations between Macedonians and Albanians in Macedonia heavily depend on inter-state relations between Macedonia and Kosovo and vice versa.

bilatérale des relations inter-étatiques’ in PM Dupuy (ed) Obligations Multilaterales, Droit Imperatif et Responsabilité des Etats (2003) 5. Nolte G, ‘From Dionisio Anzilotti to Roberto Ago: The Classical International Law of State Responsibility and the Traditional Primacy of a Bilateral Conception of Inter-State Relations’ (2002) 13 EJIL 1083. Quéneudec JP, La responsabilité internationale de l’Etat pour les fautes personnelles de ses agents (1966). Roelofsen CG, ‘The Claim of Some Citizens of Stettin against the Dutch Republic and its Adjudication (1609-17) – State

Globalisation HoST - Journal of History of Science and Technology 14, no. 2 (December 2020): 115-119 DOI 10.2478/host-2020-0018 Inter-state relations are also an important, though muted variable in Leida Fernandez-Prieto’s description of the establishment of the Harvard Botanic Station for Tropical Research and Sugar Cane Investigation in Cuba in 1899. The author situates the Station in “imperial networks of botanical research through Cuba’s sugar industry and, specifically, an enclave founded on slavery” (p. 167) made possible by the United States’ intervention in Cuba

attention to the practice of prosecuting sitting Heads of State for three main reasons: first, the growing disaffection showed by non-Western actors towards the post WWII neo-liberal project does not signal the collapse of international society but instead something quite the contrary. Second, international organizations constitute perfect fora to express hostility towards the norms that underpin inter-state relations. Finally, the practice of prosecuting sitting Heads of State (and perhaps more importantly the resistance to it) also unveils a blind spot in those

normative framework as it was, waiting for the redefinition of inter-state relations, even if it meant moving away from revolutionary principles. AMAE, CCC, Salonique, vol. 15 bis, Committee of Public Welfare to Félix-Beaujour (consul), Vendémiaire Year III. Thus, while most of the French laws were to be locally applied, this was not to be the case with some of them, especially in matters of police and criminal law, such as the new Penal Code promulgated by the National Constituent Assembly on 25 September 1791. Amaury Faivre ďArcier: »Le service consulaire au Levant à

environment.8 In addition, the initial political diagnosis of Esterházy, accompanied by the opening assessment on the new position, showed that the corset restricting free social and economic development of the Hungarian nation was the political system of the First Czechoslovak Republic, while the constellation of the inter-state relations, embracing the Versailles–Washington system, only strengthened anti-Hungarian politics of Tomáš G. Masaryk.9 Political realism required that the count focused the 6 The confirmation of the thesis that since the beginning of his