: Nationalism, multiculturalism and citizenship . Oxford: Oxford University Press.  Kymlicka, W., & Patten, A. (2003). Language rights and political theory. Annual Review of Applied Linguistics , 23, 3–21.  Moore, R. (2011). Standardisation, diversity and enlightenment in the contemporary crisis of EU language policy. Working papers in language & literacies, 74  Multilingualism is a key element in EuropeanIntegration. Text: Goethe Institut Brussels. Available at http://www.eaea.org/en/home/news/multilingualism-is-a-key-element-in-european-integration
* Hang Nguyen is a doctoral candidate at the School of Urban, Global and Social Studies, the Royal
Melbourne Institute of Technology (RMIT), Australia. She is conducting a research project on US
policy towards Europeanintegration under the Nixon administration. Her research interests include
US foreign policy, US-EU relations, Europeanintegration, Europeanisation, Globalisation and
Vietnam’s politics and foreign policy. Email: firstname.lastname@example.org
US and EuropeanIntegration prior to 1968
Nguyen Thi Thuy Hang*
This paper surveys the
In recent political debate, the association between national souverainisme and Euroscepticism is considered a natural one. From Marine Le Pen to Matteo Salvini, there is a unanimous affirmation of the necessity to defend national sovereignty against the threat of Brussels. But if we take a more in-depth look, we can see how European Integration has fed two different approaches to European federalism: the first began in 1951, a concrete path on which a kind of European federation was progressively built, while the second has considered the same path to be an obstacle in the attempt to move towards a possible European federation. According to the first group the process of integration has been better than nothing while, the opinion of the second is that the same process has been worse than nothing. Such Eurosceptic Federalism finds its roots in the anti-cosmopolitan federalism of the interwar debate and unifies, paradoxically, radical libertarians and convinced communitarians.
This paper offers an insight into Washington’s foreign policy establishment and its vision of European integration under the Nixon administration. It argues that President Nixon and his National Security Advisor, Henry Kissinger, managed to formulate many important aspects of foreign policy at the White House. From a realist perspective, the Nixon-Kissinger team saw the emergence of a new world order and in it the evolvement of European integration in a way different from previous U.S. administrations. The paper begins by discussing the Nixon administration’s realist approach to foreign policy before analyzing President Nixon’s determination to make decisions on foreign relations at the White House. Next, the paper examines the main features of the Nixon-Kissinger team’s vision of European integration. It concludes that, as realists, the Nixon administration supported integration in Western Europe, yet Washington was ambivalent if a united Europe with increasing self-confidence and self-assertiveness would be in the U.S. national interest. Henceforth, the European integration process had to be, in the Nixon-Kissinger view, taking place under U.S. control in the form of the consultative mechanism and the U.S. military umbrella.
This article explores whether a new east‑west divide exists in the enlarged European Union by analysing national discourses on European integration in the Visegrad Four (V4) states. Two V4 foreign policy legacies form the basis of analysis: the “Return to Europe” discourse and the discourses around the reconstruction of the historical self. The article gives evidence that the V4 countries share sovereignty in external policies and thus have a distinct European orientation. V4 national‑conservative governments hold sovereigntist positions, however, in policy areas that they consider falling exclusively within the realm of the member state. Comparison with Western European member states gives evidence that the post-1945 paradigm changes were more profound than those of post-1989 ones of Eastern Europe. This historic legacy can explain the more integrationist orientations in Western Europe. The article concludes that behaviour of the individual V4 state seems to be of greater importance for each member than collective V4 group action. Finally, the article gives an outlook on ways in which solidarity between the Western and Eastern halves of the EU can be exercised in an ideologically diverging Union.
: Oxford University Press. Maduro, M. P. (2003). Contrapunctual Law: Europe’s Constitutional Pluralism in Action. In Walker, N. (ed). Sovereignty in Transition. Oxford: Hart Publishing. Maduro, M. P. (1998). We the Court. The European Court of Justice and the European Economic Constitution. A Critical Reading of Article 30 of the EC Treaty. Portland: Hart Publishing. Merriam, Ch. E. (1900). History of the Theory of Sovereignty since Rousseau. New York. Columbia University Press. Meunier, S., McNamara, K. (2007). Making History: EuropeanIntegration and Institutional
The United Kingdom has had an important position in Europe for centuries. Often it is seen as an anti-European country, or as being anti-integration in Europe but it is just defending its own interests, which in many cases hare differed from other members of the European Communities. The UK policy towards European cooperation has been influenced by the particular interest of the country, but there has always been a strong relation between the British and Europe. Great Britain had the biggest empire in human history spread all over the globe, and hence its interest was global rather than limited to local European states. The UK was a victorious country in the Second World War, the only Western European state that participated actively in Nazi defeat. As an important consequence, British nationalism was seen as a positive force to unite all the British against an external threat. During centuries, the British economy has been based on trade, and internationally the government supported and expanded the free trade idea in the world economy to European trade relations. This paper analyzes the main issues that explain the special relations between the EU and the UK. The paper is developed from a historical point of view with a methodology’ based on the critical review of historical facts from a global perspective of the whole traditional approach of the UK towards European integration.
The article defines the priorities, principles and main provisions of national forest policy of Ukraine towards European integration. The main objectives and structure of the mechanism of transformation of ecological and economic relations in the forest sector of Ukraine is grounded. The main tasks of transformation of ecological and economic relations in the forest sector should be decentralization of the management system, budget savings and sustainability, sustainable development and ecological security, development of public and private partnership, and welfare of local communities. It justifies priority directions of transformation, which include the system of distribution of powers between central, regional and local levels, the financing system and fiscal regulation in the forest sector, powers and subordination of the organs of ecological control, the organizational forms of companies and associations, the institutionalization of communal and private ownership of forests. Necessary organizational and economic framework for their implementation should ensure the economic mechanisms of transformation of the system of state management of economic processes, financial-credit and fiscal regulation, economic incentives of the deep environmentally friendly forest products, integration of businesses and innovative and investment development of the forest sector, the Institute of ownership of forest land, the property rights of forest users and local communities.
The structure of transformation mechanism of ecological and economic relations in the forest sector is developed. It will allow the use of modern economic methods (de-monopolization and transparent competition on the timber market; economic incentives for deep wood processing; the transition to the new organizational forms of integration of economic entities; the empowerment of local communities and their executive bodies) and the instruments (preferential loans; target financing of large-scale projects at the national level; environmental insurance; transfer pricing; export and import duties; the state order; the state guarantees and subsidies), and to form an effective organizational forms of business entities in the forest sector.
It is concluded that transformation processes should apply to all spheres of economic activities in the forest sector, especially in the following areas: increased powers of the management bodies of the forest sector at the regional and local levels; simplification of procedures for land allocation by local governments to provide additional reforestation; coordination between the organs of ecological control and forest management to strengthen the relationship between the real state of forestry and the system of rational use of forest resources; the introduction of modern forms of enterprise and associations of enterprises at different stages of the reproductive process.
European Commission (2008), A Common Immigration for Europe, MEMO/08/402,
Brussels: European Commission, 17.07.2008. Retrieved from http://europa.eu/
Flood, C. (2002), ‘The Challenge of Euroscepticism,’ in J. Gower (ed.) The European
Union Handbook, 2nd ed., London & Chicago: Fitzroy Dearborn, pp. 73–84.
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