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Open access

Marius Pricopi

of Academic Research, vol. 2, no. 5, pp. 312-314. Premium Times. (2016). Nigerian military reveals Boko Haram’s new tactics to bomb Nigerians. Premium Times, January 30. Retrieved from: http://www.premiumtimesng.com/news/headlines/197681-nigerian-military-reveals-boko-harams-new-tactics-bombnigerians.html, accessed on June 1, 2016. Searcey, D. (2016). Boko Haram Turns Female Captives Into Terrorists. The New York Times, April 7. Retrieved from: http://www.nytimes.com/2016/04/08/world/africa/bokoharam-suicide-bombers.html, accessed on

Open access

Milan Sopóci and Lubomír Matta

Abstract

The article deals with the settlement of the Ground Forces in history to the present day. It confronts this information with actual trends of development of some branches of the armed forces, weapons systems, techniques, and new requirements on tactics, combat and operational use. From the armed conflicts in the last years which took place in Irak, Afghanistan, Islam state, we can conclude that the crucial tasks in battles and conflicts require the involvement of forces from other branches (Air forces, Special forces). The paper focuses on the necessity and importance of providing more and more intelligence, education, preparation and global more knowledge for regular soldiers.

Open access

Ivan Avramov

References [1] Vuchkov, V. (2006). Publishing House Sofia Feneia Evidences in the criminal proceedings, pp. 73-76. [2] Tsekov, Ts. Publishing: Science and Art (1971). Tactics of identification in the pre-trial proceedings, pp. 56-58 [3] Bobev, K. (2006). Publishing House "St. Kliment Ohridski" Criminalistics, pp. 222-224. [4] Belenski, R. (2008). Ciela Publishing House Criminalistics. [5] Brus, B. & Horgan J. (2001). Ciela Publishing House Criminalistics.

Open access

Andrew S. Millard and Chae-Deug Yi

Abstract

Discourse on the Six Party Talks has focused solely on denuclearisation. Through the power struggles of the members and the refusal of the People’s Democratic Republic of Korea (DPRK) to return to negotiations, the Six Party Talks have been stalled since 2008. Due to current increased tensions and the use of brinkmanship tactics the Talks must be restarted, albeit under a reformed shape. This paper analyses the potential role of the EU in furthering the peace process in Northeast Asia. This paper suggests that the EU needs to be more assertive and the Talks should focus on building trust and cooperation, not on the DPRK’s nuclear program. With its impartiality, experience in integration and use of soft power, the EU can act as an effective mediator building trust.

Open access

Virgilijus Pugačiauskas

Abstract

One of the distinctive features of Russia’s confrontation with the West over the 2014-2016 period is the intensification of Russian propaganda both in foreign countries and within the state. Lithuania, whose relations with a major neighbour were not normalized, and which openly supported Ukraine’s position, attracted the additional attention of Russian mass media in which an incitement to anti- Lithuanian moods was bolstered. In this case, it is endeavoured to generally describe how the mass media (television and newspapers) played a role in contriving a social construct and ascertain the Lithuanian quantitative characteristics which are presented in Russian mass media. Referring to the analysis, one can distinguish three prevailing negative images of Lithuania - that is, Russophobic and anti-Russian; a falsifier of history; and a failing and non-influential state. These images, being consistently and purposefully exploited in Russian information space, almost with no alternative sources, turned into undeniable truth for the majority of Russian citizens. This provides the Kremlin with vast possibilities of manipulation in constructing the tactics and strategy of geopolitical instability. On the other hand, one should not forget that such a negative picture of Lithuania serves as a way in which Russian society justifies Putin’s political system and demonstrates its superiority over the values of the Western world.

Open access

Geert Bouckaert, Vitalis Nakrošis and Juraj Nemec

Public Administration and Management Reforms in CEE: Main Trajectories and Results

The common feature of CEE systems is that they change drastically. Political systems change, e.g. from dictatorships to democracies, and their elites are removed. Democratic checks and balances are established. State structures are reshuffled, e.g. toward more decentralisation. The economic system changes its nature, e.g. from state monopolies to market systems with private firms. Societal and social systems with NGOs, not-for-profit organisations and citizen action groups are established and are designed for people to participate actively in the public debate and to become stakeholders of their society and their communities (Peters 1996).

To achieve planned changes, CEE countries had to choose their strategies. In focusing on the administration and the management of public systems, five scopes of reform are possible, from very narrow and limited to a very widespread and broad span of reform (Pollitt and Bouckaert 2004). Choosing one of these models has tremendous practical implications for the content of a reform programme, for the choice of the reform projects, for the sequence and timing of the reform portfolio. It also requires different tactical choices to be made. One of the issues is how many degrees of freedom there are to reform the public sector.

Just as in many other countries, mixed strategies have been chosen for public- sector reform in CEE countries, and these choices have changed over time. However, it seems that the span of reform has rather been broad than narrow. It also seems that tactics could have been more visible than strategy because of electoral cycles.

This brings us to the question of the trajectories to move ahead. Our article, heavily based in the joint NISPAcee research project4 tries to respond to some selected dimensions of the question of what the common and different trajectories and selected outcomes of public administration / management reforms are in the CEE region.

Open access

Vytautas Jokubauskas

Abstract

In the 21st century - as in the first half of the 20th century - Lithuania has faced threats posed to its national security and statehood. Owing to its limited resources, the country is not essentially able to establish large regular forces; therefore, it is permanently developing its territorial defence forces. In the interwar period, their nucleus was formed by the Lithuanian Riflemen’s Union, while in the 21st century it is by the National Defence Volunteer Forces. While modelling new concepts of territorial defence, it is inevitable to consider not only the practices of other countries and their military theories but also Lithuania’s national experience. Of course, this is the experience of 1990-2004, but in the first part of the 20th century the idea of territorial defence was also put into practice and cultivated at the theoretical level. Another aspect is that territorial defence in practice is inextricably entwined with the tactics of guerrilla warfare and their application. Lithuania’s historical experience and analysis of its territorial defence and partisan war is not only knowledge for its own sake. It may have tangible practical value since Lithuania considered, premeditated and applied these notions in practice repeatedly in the first half of the 20th century. Furthermore, the geographical location of the country and distribution of eventual sources of conflict in comparison with the interwar period have virtually not changed. In the interwar period, East Prussia, part of Germany and separated by the Polish Corridor, had been a semi-exclave up until September 1939. Similarly, it is only by sea and air that this territory is accessible at present, though now a subject of the Russian Federation as the Kaliningrad region. Due to geopolitical transformations, after World War II the ‘enemy from the East’ had moved geographically to Western Lithuania. There exists a similar situation on the south-eastern border of Lithuania, where a none-too-friendly interwar Poland changed to a Belarus governed by Alexander Lukashenko. Lithuania’s northern border with Latvia, also a NATO member at present, remains unchanged and comparatively safe; in the interwar period, only attempts were made to discuss the idea of having mutual defence although Latvia had planned to provide some support for the Lithuanian forces in the case of a Wehrmacht attack from East Prussia to the East. So it is expedient to elaborate on what attention the Lithuanian Armed Forces in the interwar period paid to the history of war, what kind of experience of the 20th century territorial defence and partisan resistance they gained, and how this may be of value to defence experts in the 21st century.

Open access

Anastasia Mgaloblishvili

), ‘How Soviet is the religious revival in Georgia: tactics in everyday religiosity,’ Europe-Asia Studies , vol. 69, no. 3, pp. 508–531. https://doi.org/10.1080/09668136.2017.1323324 Hoffmann, T. & Chochia, A. (2018), ‘The institution of citizenship and practices of passportization in Russia’s European Neighborhood Policies,’ in A. Makarychev & T. Hoffmann (eds.) Russia and the EU Spaces of Interaction , Abingdon: Routledge, Taylor & Francis Group, pp. 223−237. Huntington, S. P. (1996), ‘The West: unique, not universal,’ Foreign Affairs , vol. 75, no

Open access

Touko Johannes Sinisalo

technologies in the example of e-residency,’ Baltic Journal of Law & Politics , vol. 8, no. 2, pp. 71–90. https://doi.org/10.1515/bjlp-2015-0019 Kertesz, A. (2016), ‘Brexit’s legal framework,’ ELTE Law Journal , vol. 1, no. 1, pp. 93–102. Retrieved from https://heinonline.org/HOL/P?h=hein.journals/eltelj2016&i=93 [accessed 20 Oct 2018] Kuenssberg, L. (2018), ‘Are delaying tactics the answer for May?’ BBC , 17 October. Retrieved from https://www.bbc.com/news/uk-politics-45882356 [accessed 20 Oct 2018] Litman, J. (2000), ‘The DNS wars: trademarks

Open access

Luděk Rak, Jan Drozd and Zdeněk Flasar

Abstract

The paper focuses on the analysis of the current highly dangerous tools of destruction, used mostly by insurgents and terrorists, especially in asymmetric warfare. Vehicles usually loaded with explosives (mostly homemade explosive), driven by suicide bombers are a significant threat to troops and the civilian population, not only in high risk areas. Analysis of the available incidents of this type, and available response to an incident mentioned in this article, it becomes the basic portfolio data for the design of effective elimination or at least reduction of the destructive effect, especially on soft targets.