of ethnopolitical practice as our categories of socialanalysis. Instead of doing that, he appeals, we have to rethink ethnicity – in relational, procedural, dynamic and eventful terms: “…thinking of ethnicity, race and nation not in terms of substantial groups or entities but in terms of practical categories, cultural idioms, cognitive schemas, discursive frames, organizational routines, institutional forms, political projects and contingent events” ( Brubaker 2002 , 167).
According to Brubaker (2002 ; 2014 ), ethnicity should be studied as a category of
that can be a source of global conflicts. Third, the ethnic identities are adaptable and changeable, and the different patterns of them could become salient for different reasons and could be changed even without teleological manipulations from outside.
Materials and methods
The identity shift of ethnic Russians in Kazakhstan is a multifaceted, dynamic process, which needs careful analysis of the demographic data. The most appropriate way to learn about the social composition of the people, their values, opinions, and attitudes is to conduct surveys and opinion
baseline for a sociologically inclined discourse analysis of a specific segment of discourse practice. Specifically, it focused on the ramifications of this state of affairs in the Czech media, on the Russian reaction to Czech media, and on the possible extent to which these events may impact the attitudes of the Russian (and Czech) public and therefore also the Russian–Czech relationship. The study is grounded in the obvious fact that the general “politicization” of public and social life is mirrored in the politicization of public social discourse and that these two
” (People’s Party – Our Slovakia). In the case of the first-mentioned party, the leader of that party is a very famous public figure in the media, who started his “political career” with hostile quotes about migrants on socialnetworks. In the second case, it is an antisystem party, and the party leader and its members have been for a long time presenting themselves with anti-immigration and anti-Roma rhetoric. That is why we could say that this theme of migration was perfectly and concisely used in the Slovak media environment for creating the antimigration moods, which
important in three respects.
First, Direction-Social Democracy ( Smer–SD ) led by Robert Fico had lost the parliamentary majority and Slovakia returned to a typical coalition government. Direction-SD created a new coalition with the Slovak National Party, Bridge-Híd, and #Network. They gained 85 seats in the Slovak Parliament. Second, one of the traditional political parties, Christian-Democratic Movement ( Kresťansko-demokratické hnutie ), did not pass the five percent threshold and remained outside of the parliament. On the other hand, the populist political
Russian language is an additional complicating factor ( Hołowko 2013 ). It occurs especially frequently in the east of the country.
In Ukraine a deformation of the linguistic and cultural space took place, manifesting itself in the spread of two languages used both in mass media and in social interaction (see Bester-Dilger 2009 , Kulyk 2006 , Ryabinska 2017 ). Hence the second objective of the study is an analysis of the language structure in selected mass-media.
Naturally, language problems in Ukraine do not apply only to the bipolar system the Ukrainian
valued partner transnationally. I rather agree with Davis (1999, 27), who while giving arguments for those settled in Latin America and the Caribbean region, says that transnationalism is a product of evolution bringing new social and geographical spheres by making modern technologies and traveling easily available worldwide (Davis 1999, 28), which are undoubtedly critical for the development of any region nowadays from the aspect of movement of goods, labor power, and capital.
I see transnationalism as a gradually built and intensified networking across the national
most members of the minority have their homes ( Kreisslová/Novotný 2015 : 130). In these regions, they must attend bilingual institutions not owned by the minority, which proves to be a welcome synergy in some regions such as Liberec (as demonstrated by the survey; refer the following text).
Nowadays, German is also taught outside the school network, as part of adult education or other institutions. The minority itself strives to implement instruction primarily at social clubs that have been established by the different regional associations of the Assembly since
in the public space in order to strengthen the position of a particular candidate or conversely, to discredit him during the last presidential election in Serbia. The analysis covers the period of the election campaign from January 2017 to April 2017.
Collective memory is one of the key aspects of strengthening national identity (see also: Anderson 2006; Hobsbawm & Ranger 2012). As Ana Milošević and Heleen Touquet note,
Given memories “deep connections to societies” cultural codes and myths [...], they can become powerful tools for collective mobilization
of “a work-based society” ( Magyar 2016 , 147).
Even though some similarities can be identified between Fidesz’s first mandate (1998–2002) and the second term, since 2010, the party has benefited from better conditions to elaborate its politics of memory. Two factors played a key role here. First, the ruling Fidesz–KDNP coalition won a large majority (52,73% of the vote and 67,88% of seats) in the 2010 elections ( National Election Office 2010) , soundly defeating the social democrats, whose credibility had been damaged by recurring scandals during the previous