The article aims at analyzing a particular occupational privilege of employees, commonly referred to as a benefits package. This social privilege is considered a real social and legal phenomenon by a large number of academics. This is because no legal regulations on the privatization and commercialization of Polish companies actually imposed it. The origin of this specific privilege lies in the pragmatic attitude of employees to the process of privatization of companies and selling their stocks to strategic investors. This type of agreements was supposed to protect staff from radical restructuring which the investor could implement upon buying the company. Owing to this privilege, employees were able to establish their own space of social security in the factory. The article presents examples of such documents, discusses their content and possible sanctions for the new owner of the factory (the signatory of the document) if the provisions of the document are not complied with.
A Long Normative History of a Statistical Category in the U.K
Recommendations for Population and Housing Censuses, New York 2008, p. 100. This sounds like a pragmatic solution with little regard to the social relationships of the actual human beings living in a household. However, there are indeed power relations within a household (e.g. between parents and children). Social scientists also observed these everyday asymmetries and therefore constructed a hierarchy in social classifications when they placed the household in a specific class according to the ›Head of Household‹ or the ›Household Reference Person‹, the ›Chief Wage Earner
”: open doors to goods and services from Africa, promote investment into infrastructure and train entrepreneurs to enhance local business capacities ( Obama 2009 ). The 2012 strategy aimed to “boost broad-based and inclusive economic growth, including through trade and investment” so as Africa can be “the world’s next major economic success story”. To achieve this goal, five actions were outlined as crucial: to encourage legal, regulatory and institutional reforms in order to promote an enabling environment for trade and investment; to improve economic governance; to
share the dual aspects of being a political system and a way of life, and thus, can be consolidated as “pragmatic Confucian democracy.” The term essentially means a continual negotiation between democratic practices and Confucian values and moral sentiments ( Kim 2017 ). Another attempt to better grasp the topic is analyzing the old texts of Mou Zongsan (1909-1995) and Tang Junyi (1901-1978), arguably among the most productive Confucian philosophers of the 20th century, on the relationship between democracy and Confucianism ( Fröhlich 2010 ).
This study approaches
, dimensions. Since its aim is to “play the conflictual past in today’s political competitions” ( Mink & Bonnard 2010 , 7), this politics is weaponized for conflicts at both infra-national and international levels. Clearly, drawing a clear-cut border between these two aspects would be a rather quixotic task. However, although this is just an ideal–typical distinction, analyzing the internal and the external dimensions as two distinct layers that are affected by the politics of memory allows us to identify different patterns and narratives that collectively form the whole
The French Consulate in Salonica in the 19th Century
consuls are . Archives du ministère des Affaires étrangères [AMAE], Sous-direction des affaires consulaires [SDAC], carton 313, »Le service consulaire français à ľétranger«, document dated 21. 5. 1872.
Consulates thus, no less than diplomatic institutions, represented France outside its borders, albeit they did so on an administrative rather than a diplomatic level. The very notion of ›representations‹, considering its etymology, refers to ›presence‹, and thus representation of any kind is necessarily a spatial phenomenon. The aim of this paper is to consider the
focuses on the linguistic situation of the German minority. The primary aim of the paper is to discuss the necessity of revitalizing the German language in the Czech Republic. Secondarily, we seek to define strategies that might be used to revitalize German as a mother tongue. Although representatives of the German minority often deal with this issue, it has not been described or studied academically thus far. In the following discussion, we build on our previous investigations on the situation of the German minority after 1989 (especially Kreisslová/Novotný 2015 ), as
newspapers, disinformation websites, or in his own television show. Throughout the course of his whole political career, Miloš Zeman has been known for generating strong statements often made on a personal level. He has handed out various labels to his political opponents, which have often been borderline or blatantly vulgar (which is typical of populism; cf. Tarchi 2016 ). Previously, during the direct election, he highlighted this system of elections with the argument that, contrary to politicians, the people are incorruptible. Even despite this populist rhetoric aimed
identities after the annexation of foreign territories were successful in some cases, e.g., the division of ethnic Karels from the Finns and the splitting of North Caucasian Circassians into Adyghean, Cherkess, Kabardian, and Shapsug ethnic groups. Moldovan Romanians were also in a similar position.
This work is constructed as a qualitative research, which aims to “understand the unique examined phenomenon in the historical and cultural contexts in which it is set. The purpose of the research is not to reach conclusions applicable for further cases, but is an effort to
in the Far East, terrorism from Central Asia, and the Arab Spring in North Africa – the U.S. government was aiming to shore up its alliances also in Europe. He conceded that Washington’s “resetting” of its relations with Russia in a more pragmatic manner may have riled some Central European sensibilities. He explained that the bipartisanship of the U.S. delegations of the “Transatlantic Week” was based on values shared across the U.S. ideological spectrum: the protection of liberty and human rights; and the fight against dictatorships. He also recalled that, as a