”: open doors to goods and services from Africa, promote investment into infrastructure and train entrepreneurs to enhance local business capacities ( Obama 2009 ). The 2012 strategy aimed to “boost broad-based and inclusive economic growth, including through trade and investment” so as Africa can be “the world’s next major economic success story”. To achieve this goal, five actions were outlined as crucial: to encourage legal, regulatory and institutional reforms in order to promote an enabling environment for trade and investment; to improve economic governance; to
share the dual aspects of being a political system and a way of life, and thus, can be consolidated as “pragmatic Confucian democracy.” The term essentially means a continual negotiation between democratic practices and Confucian values and moral sentiments ( Kim 2017 ). Another attempt to better grasp the topic is analyzing the old texts of Mou Zongsan (1909-1995) and Tang Junyi (1901-1978), arguably among the most productive Confucian philosophers of the 20th century, on the relationship between democracy and Confucianism ( Fröhlich 2010 ).
This study approaches
, dimensions. Since its aim is to “play the conflictual past in today’s political competitions” ( Mink & Bonnard 2010 , 7), this politics is weaponized for conflicts at both infra-national and international levels. Clearly, drawing a clear-cut border between these two aspects would be a rather quixotic task. However, although this is just an ideal–typical distinction, analyzing the internal and the external dimensions as two distinct layers that are affected by the politics of memory allows us to identify different patterns and narratives that collectively form the whole
focuses on the linguistic situation of the German minority. The primary aim of the paper is to discuss the necessity of revitalizing the German language in the Czech Republic. Secondarily, we seek to define strategies that might be used to revitalize German as a mother tongue. Although representatives of the German minority often deal with this issue, it has not been described or studied academically thus far. In the following discussion, we build on our previous investigations on the situation of the German minority after 1989 (especially Kreisslová/Novotný 2015 ), as
in the Far East, terrorism from Central Asia, and the Arab Spring in North Africa – the U.S. government was aiming to shore up its alliances also in Europe. He conceded that Washington’s “resetting” of its relations with Russia in a more pragmatic manner may have riled some Central European sensibilities. He explained that the bipartisanship of the U.S. delegations of the “Transatlantic Week” was based on values shared across the U.S. ideological spectrum: the protection of liberty and human rights; and the fight against dictatorships. He also recalled that, as a
newspapers, disinformation websites, or in his own television show. Throughout the course of his whole political career, Miloš Zeman has been known for generating strong statements often made on a personal level. He has handed out various labels to his political opponents, which have often been borderline or blatantly vulgar (which is typical of populism; cf. Tarchi 2016 ). Previously, during the direct election, he highlighted this system of elections with the argument that, contrary to politicians, the people are incorruptible. Even despite this populist rhetoric aimed
identities after the annexation of foreign territories were successful in some cases, e.g., the division of ethnic Karels from the Finns and the splitting of North Caucasian Circassians into Adyghean, Cherkess, Kabardian, and Shapsug ethnic groups. Moldovan Romanians were also in a similar position.
This work is constructed as a qualitative research, which aims to “understand the unique examined phenomenon in the historical and cultural contexts in which it is set. The purpose of the research is not to reach conclusions applicable for further cases, but is an effort to
to create the idea of an “eternal Roma”, which does not take into account historical positioning according to socioeconomic status. ), followed by attempts on how to reconceptualize Gypsiness as a “way of being” ( Gay y Blasco 1999 , 176), and so on. The methodological approach aimed at decontamination of ethnic and racial studies from essentialism and primordialism, In the context of essentialism, ethnic absolutism, antiessentialism and new ethnicities as the possible approach to ethnicity without denying but, rather, as a reconceptualized and renegotiated issue
& Ratsiburskaya 2011 ; Yevstaf’yeva 2009 ).
The aims of this study were to 1) provide a critical linguistic analysis of Russian readers’ comments made on Czech analytic journalism on sociopolitical topics published in Russian translation at InoSMI.ru; 2) analyze the verbal positions of regular Russian readers of political journalism on the opinions of the Czech public regarding contemporary Russia and consequently on Czechs and the Czech Republic in general; 3) identify the main stereotypical motives that serve as the basis for the commenters’ arguments and that are
Representative Office in Bratislava).
The purpose of this study is to familiarize the reader with the specific character of Taiwan’s activities in international relations from the viewpoint of the practical performance of its foreign activities. At the same time, it also aims to compare the diplomatic and quasidiplomatic or paradiplomatic activities of Taiwan, especially with emphasis on their institutional backgrounds, legal regulations, and other conditions for their practical performance.
Given the fact that the notions of diplomacy and paradiplomacy, with which we are