systems specify to the training in military pentathlon. The 23rd International Conference Knowledge-Based Organization , Vol. XXII, No. 1 , Sibiu, România: “Nicolae Bălcescu” Land Forces Academy Publishing House. Epuran, M. (2001). Psihologia sportului de performanţă. Bucureşti: FEST, 324-336. Harman, E. A. et al. (2008). Prediction of simulated battlefield physical performance from field-expedient tests. U.S. National Library of Military Medicine, Vol. 173 , 36-41. Jeong, C. S. (2006). Characteristics of performance-related physical fitness and
Ioan Sabin Sopa and Marcel Pomohaci
Siiri Same and Maria Claudia Solarte-Vasquez
research and publications on place marketing and place branding,’ Place Branding and Public Diplomacy, vol. 7, no. 2, pp. 91–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/pb.2011.7 Gilmore, F. (2002), ‘A country-can it be repositioned? Spain – the success story of country branding,’ The Journal of Brand Management, vol. 9, no. 4/5, pp. 281–293. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/palgrave.bm.2540078 Govers, R. & Go, F. (2009), Place Branding: Virtual and Physical Identities, Glocal, Imagined and Experienced, Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan. Hall
Mahesh Ramaswamy and S. Asha
The subject of unification is as vibrant as national movement even after 58 years of a fractured verdict. More than to achieve a physical conjugation it was an attempt for cultural fusion. The aspiration for linguistic unification was a part of the national discourse. The movement, which began with mystic originations, later on turned out to become communal. Political changes during 1799 A.D. and 1857 A.D. changed the fortunes of Mysore state and ultimately led to its disintegration and became the reason for this movement. The concept of unification is akin to the spirit of nationalism, against the background of colonial regime assigning parts of land to different administrative units without taking into consideration the historical or cultural aspects of that place. Kannadigas marooned in multi lingual states experient an orphaned situation got aroused with the turn of nineteenth century. The problem precipitated by the company was diluted by British when they introduced English education. Though the positive aspect like emergence of middle class is pragmatic, rise of communalism on the other hand is not idealistic.
This research paper is designed to examine the polarization of castes during unification movement of Mysore State (Presently called as State of Karnataka, since 1973, which was termed Mysore when integrated) which came into being in 1956 A.D. Most of the previous studies concentrate on two aspects viz ideological discourse and organizational strategies adopted to gain Unification. The course of the unifi cation movement and role of Congress party dominates such studies while some of them concentrate on the leaders of the movement. Other studies are ethnographical in nature. ‘Community Dominance and Political Modernisation: The Lingayats’ written by Shankaragouda Hanamantagouda Patil is a classic example. Mention may be made here of an recent attempt by Harish Ramaswamy in his ‘Karnataka Government and Politics’ which has covered almost all aspects of emergence of Karnataka as a state but communal politics during unification movement has found no place. ‘Rethinking State Politics in India: Regions within Regions’ is an edited book by Ashutosh Kumar which has articles on ‘Castes and Politics of Marginality’ where a reference is made to caste associations and identity politics of Lingayats, but the area of study is neighboring Maharashtra and not Karnataka. Though it contains two articles on Karnataka its subject matter doesn’t pertain to this topic. One more important effort is by ‘Imagining Unimaginable Communities: Political and Social Discourse in Modern Karnataka’ where the author Raghavendra Rao thinks Karnataka and India as two unimaginable communities and discuss primarily the founding moments of negotiation between the discourses of Indian nationalism and Kannada linguistic nationalism. It is more an intellectual history and throws light on nationalism in a colonial context.
Mostly studies concentrate on either the course or the leaders of the movement. Invariably congress as an organization finds place in all studies. But the blemish of such studies is a lesser concentration on activities of major socio cultural groups. The role of socio cultural groups assumes importance because of the milieu at the beginning of 20th century which annunciated a wave of social changes in the state. It is a known fact that the movement for linguistic state was successful in bringing a political integration of five separate sub regions but failed to unite people culturally. This concept of unification which is akin to the spirit of nationalism got expressed at the regional level in the sense of respect for once own culture, language and people. In case of Karnataka this expression had political overtones too which is expressed by some who fought for it (Srinivas & Narayan, 1946 ). Most of the early leaders of unification movement (and for that matter even movement for independence too can be cited here) belonged to one particular caste, and with passing of time has led to the notion of domination of that caste over the movement. This paper tries to give justice in a limited way by giving legitimate and adequate recognition for those castes which deserves it and do away with misconceptions. Two concepts political modernization and social mobility are used. The later derives its existence from the former in this case. The data used here is primarily gained from news papers and secondary sources like books and interviews given by participants. No hypothesis is tested nor any theory is developed in this attempt but historical materials are examined in the light of modernity. The key problem discussed here is emergence of communal politics and the role of social groups in unification. Biases of regionalism, caste and class have been overcome by rational thinking.
Geoffrey Brahm Levey
the terms of Australian multiculturalism were actually respected. To support these arguments, I analyse two prominent cases in recent political history. The first is the 2006 clash between John Howard’s conservative government and the Ethnic Communities’ Council of Victoria (ECCV) over the introduction of a citizenship test. The second case concerns the attempt by Tony Abbott’s conservative government during 2013–14 to reform the anti-vilification provisions of the Racial Discrimination Act 1975 (Cth). The cases highlight how Australia’s multiculturalism regime is
Fethi Mansouri, Amelia Johns and Vince Marotta
confidence, as well as encourage resilience towards more negative encounters and influences both ‘online’ and ‘offline’ (refer pp. 30–35). Transnational affiliations, which also underpin digital media use and engagements of an increasing number of young citizens, have been found in the literature to be predominantly protective as they enhance points of belonging and underscore a sense of global community and connectedness. However, the embrace of diversity may be fragile or changeable and it can be tested by economic crisis and political conflict. Multiple networks and
Marcel Pomohaci and Ioan Sabin Sopa
. Macovei, S. (2012). Stretching. Bucureşti: AFIR. Stănculescu, L.M. (2015). Extracurricular sports activities - opportunities for psychological, physical and social integration of 10 to 12 year old students. Ph.D. Theses, Bucureşti: UNEFS.
Marcel Pomohaci and Ioan Sabin Sopa
: University of Oradea, 28. Sopa I. S. & Pomohaci, M. (2014a). Developing sports group cohesion in socializing through means of motor activities, Bologna: Medimond by Editografica, 135. Sopa I. S. & Pomohaci, M. (2014b). Contribution of sports game in children socialization process, The International Conference “Physical education and sports in the benefit of health”, Oradea. Sopa I. S. & Pomohaci, M. (2014c). Group cohesion important factor in sports performance, European Scientific Journal, Volume 10, No. 26
Gert Pickel and Cemal Öztürk
and current living conditions and may turn out to be terrorists, he tried to produce (or to strengthen) realistic threats among the Hungarian public ( Kokot 2015 ). A realistic threat perception is in place when the in-groups consider the very existence of the out-groups as a danger for their physical and material well-being (Stephan and Stephan 1996 ). H6: Individuals who perceive migrants as a threat to their physical and material well-being are more likely to support a Muslim ban . Much of the anti-Muslim rhetoric we described earlier aims to encourage
opinions within the Czech Republic. Within the Czech media, the “Russian question” or the attitude toward Russia, its current policy, and its past impact on the development of Czech society is one of the most obvious indicators and a “litmus test” of the views of any given author and the movements that they represent. In this respect, there is an obvious long-term and deepening division of Czech online media that are divided into three groups: openly pro-Russian (and at the same time anti-American and anti-Islamic), basically neutral (but often described as pro
case study and its purport is to use a theoretical framework so that other cases may be tested accordingly ( Lijphart 1971 , 691). Moreover, applying Robert Yin separating approach, this paper represents a descriptive case study (Yin 2003). Within Robert Stake’s typology of qualitative case studies, it may be perceived as an intrinsic study ( Stake 1995 , 3-4). In my analysis, I focus on the most powerful political actors in representative democracy – political parties. The main objects of my analysis do not include all political parties that succeeded in