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Secular Formatting of the Sacred: Human Rights and the Question of Secularization and Re-Sacralization

resacralization of the person. This is the point where human rights come to play a key role as expression of a normative ideal transcending the individual as well as the nation, and this double movement is what I perceive as a secular formatting of the sacred (cf. Mjaaland 2019b on the notion of “formatting”). Human Rights and the Axial Age Hans Joas takes the idea of an “Axial Age”, first presented by Karl Jaspers in 1949, as a key to understanding the historical development of sacralization and desacralization. The idea is controversial but supported by sociologists

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How to Respond to Conflicts Over Value Pluralism?

with the socio-cultural consequences of ethnic differences (Ridder a.o. 2014 131-155; Koster a.o. 2014, 165-181). No less than 60% of the Dutch population perceives much or even very much friction between native people and non-Western immigrants ( Gijsberts a.o. 2014 , 21f.), Although since the start of the economic crisis in 2007/08, economic worries overtook for a short time ethnic issues as the most important concern of the Dutch, this trend has reversed again since 2014, and has even increased since the recent terrorist attacks in France and Belgium ( Dagevos a

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Contemporary Religiosity and the Absence of Solidarity With Those in Need

together religious experience and religious expression. This nuanced approach did not claim that, in all classical religions in each period of history, one could find a balanced interaction of all the dimensions. Rather, it stressed that all the dimensions are important, all need to be considered, and if any was missing or downplayed, one should observe what happened to others. Smart’s special interest as an educationalist lay in the link between spirituality and human values, and in how to strengthen this link when weak ( Smart 1968 , 105-6 and Rennie 1999 ). His

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Parameters of the Transition from a Cultural to a Political Program by the Czech and Slovak Elites in the Mid-19th Century

by, this ambition was nurtured and accomplished as an independent factor. These processes were commensurable in Central Europe. Moreover, even in the case of a delay of their individual phases, acceleration and partial alignment occurred in the revolutionary period at the turn of the 1840s. To meet an eligibility criterion for determining the transition between a culturally politicizing ambition and manifestation of a specific political interest, it is necessary to perceive the efforts to formulate and configure concretely achievable programs. The pressing nature

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Anti-Islamism without Moslems: Cognitive Frames of Czech Antimigrant Politics

same level since autumn 2015 ( Buchtík and Pilecká 2016 , 5). Securitization is the main trend in depicting the migrants in the media as well ( Břešťan 2016 ; Tkaczyk et al. 2016 ). The Moslems, mainly ignored in the political debates of the 1990s, have been exposed to a steadily growing anti-Islam discourse after 2001, which stresses that they are strangers dangerous for the allegedly “ethnically homogeneous” Czech society ( Topinka 2015 , 31–34). Public opinion demonstrates a constantly high level of distance of the Czechs in regard to the Moslems ( Topinka 2016a

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Islamophobia Without Muslims? The “Contact Hypothesis” as an Explanation for Anti-Muslim Attitudes – Eastern European Societies in a Comparative Perspective

individuals based on their perceived religious background. As nonpracticing Muslims face discrimination because of their ethnocultural characteristics, it is an alleged group identity that drives anti-Muslim prejudice ( Cinnirella 2012 ). On these grounds, there are good reasons to search for the causes of Islamophobia in the light of social–psychological theories of prejudice and stereotyping ( Adorno et al. 1950 ; Allport 1971 ). The empirical part of our article focuses on one specific manifestation of Islamophobia: The support for an immigration ban for Muslims. Of

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Not All the Past Needs To Be Used: Features of Fidesz’s Politics of Memory

claimed that Hungarian history did not end with the negotiated transition to liberal democracy. The latter was to be perceived only as an intermediary step. As noted by Fowler, during the preaccession period, “Nationalist actors were not satisfied with the condition of the Hungarian nation and cultivated already dreams of national revival,” while socialists and liberals were “basically content with the condition of Hungarian nationhood and focus on the delivery of ‘progress’” by envisaging a future in the EU (2004, 78). Unsurprisingly then, “At least since the Status

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Securitization of the Migration Crisis and Islamophobic Rhetoric: The 2016 Slovak Parliamentary Elections as a Case Study

per 1,000 inhabitants ( Eurostat 2018 ). To illustrate my point, the following two graphs show the development of applications for asylum numbers (Graph 1) and approved applications (Graph 2). Graph 1 Application of asylum seekers Source: Authors graph based on statistics by Ministry of Interior of Slovak Republic Graph 2 Numbers of received asylum application Source: Authors graph based on statistics by Ministry of Interior of Slovak Republic The last point mentioned above stresses the migration crisis as a part of the public and

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“Roma” Label: The Deconstructed and Reconceptualized Category within the Pentecostal and Charismatic Pastoral Discourse in Contemporary Slovakia

private attempt to connect the label “black/brown” (Gypsy) with (irresistible) positive content (“chocolate”). During the interview, she was very coherent in using this “chocolate” association: “The God had the idea, I will make Tanya (i.e. the author of the study) white, whereas Greta, I will make her chocolate” . She was very critical of “black” and “white” negative ethnic and racial stereotypes and stressed the value of cultural and ethnic differences: “We are equal but not the same!” she asserted. After days of being with Greta and continuing my research both

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Transnationalism in the Pacific Region as a Concept of State Identity

the independent development of the country’s internal political environment), or national identity evolved as a subjective response to the globalizing challenges of the country. In this context, analysis of this factor should also consider the tasks of various prime ministers and top political representatives who are actively and knowingly involved in defining and shaping national identity – in accordance with Anholt’s definition of national brands such as the set of characteristics that are perceived by people in the country in the six key areas of expression of

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