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Akm Ahsan Ullah

]. Clements, C.M., Sabourin, C.M. and Spiby, L., 2004. Dysphoria and hopelessness following battering: The role of perceived control, coping, and self-esteem. Journal of Family Violence,19(1). Coker, A.L., Davis, K.E., Arias, I., Desai, S., Sanderson, M., Brant, H.M. et al., 2002. Physical and mental health effects of intimate partner violence for men and women. American Journal of Preventive Medicine, 23(4). Department of Justice Canada., 2005a. Child abuse: A fact sheet from the department of Justice Canada. Available at: <www

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Helen Kim

, is one that often celebrates the transgressive state of multiracial “in-betweenness”, the reality is that those who are or are perceived to be multiracial are still seen as out of place and “Other”. The existence of a mixed-race population is a result of different migration and colonial histories in each society. Multiraciality is considered a relatively recent phenomenon in Germany ( King-O’Rhiain et al. 2014 ). Relatedly, Germany has been considered (and considers itself) a monoracial state. The existence of a multiracial Korean population in Germany can be

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Geoffrey Brahm Levey

argument and challenge its applicability in the Australian context. Australia helped to pioneer multicultural policy along with Canada in the 1970s and 1980s, a policy it has maintained. At least until March 2017 when the Turnbull government launched a new national multicultural policy statement (DSS 2017). The new policy stresses the importance of inclusion and a sense of belonging for all Australians. However, unlike the previous national multicultural policy statements, the Turnbull policy places most of the onus on immigrants and minorities to adjust to Australian

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Vratislav Doubek

by, this ambition was nurtured and accomplished as an independent factor. These processes were commensurable in Central Europe. Moreover, even in the case of a delay of their individual phases, acceleration and partial alignment occurred in the revolutionary period at the turn of the 1840s. To meet an eligibility criterion for determining the transition between a culturally politicizing ambition and manifestation of a specific political interest, it is necessary to perceive the efforts to formulate and configure concretely achievable programs. The pressing nature

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Michaela Strapáčová and Vít Hloušek

same level since autumn 2015 ( Buchtík and Pilecká 2016 , 5). Securitization is the main trend in depicting the migrants in the media as well ( Břešťan 2016 ; Tkaczyk et al. 2016 ). The Moslems, mainly ignored in the political debates of the 1990s, have been exposed to a steadily growing anti-Islam discourse after 2001, which stresses that they are strangers dangerous for the allegedly “ethnically homogeneous” Czech society ( Topinka 2015 , 31–34). Public opinion demonstrates a constantly high level of distance of the Czechs in regard to the Moslems ( Topinka 2016a

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Gert Pickel and Cemal Öztürk

individuals based on their perceived religious background. As nonpracticing Muslims face discrimination because of their ethnocultural characteristics, it is an alleged group identity that drives anti-Muslim prejudice ( Cinnirella 2012 ). On these grounds, there are good reasons to search for the causes of Islamophobia in the light of social–psychological theories of prejudice and stereotyping ( Adorno et al. 1950 ; Allport 1971 ). The empirical part of our article focuses on one specific manifestation of Islamophobia: The support for an immigration ban for Muslims. Of

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Simone Benazzo

claimed that Hungarian history did not end with the negotiated transition to liberal democracy. The latter was to be perceived only as an intermediary step. As noted by Fowler, during the preaccession period, “Nationalist actors were not satisfied with the condition of the Hungarian nation and cultivated already dreams of national revival,” while socialists and liberals were “basically content with the condition of Hungarian nationhood and focus on the delivery of ‘progress’” by envisaging a future in the EU (2004, 78). Unsurprisingly then, “At least since the Status

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Ľubomír Zvada

per 1,000 inhabitants ( Eurostat 2018 ). To illustrate my point, the following two graphs show the development of applications for asylum numbers (Graph 1) and approved applications (Graph 2). Graph 1 Application of asylum seekers Source: Authors graph based on statistics by Ministry of Interior of Slovak Republic Graph 2 Numbers of received asylum application Source: Authors graph based on statistics by Ministry of Interior of Slovak Republic The last point mentioned above stresses the migration crisis as a part of the public and

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Tatiana Podolinská

private attempt to connect the label “black/brown” (Gypsy) with (irresistible) positive content (“chocolate”). During the interview, she was very coherent in using this “chocolate” association: “The God had the idea, I will make Tanya (i.e. the author of the study) white, whereas Greta, I will make her chocolate” . She was very critical of “black” and “white” negative ethnic and racial stereotypes and stressed the value of cultural and ethnic differences: “We are equal but not the same!” she asserted. After days of being with Greta and continuing my research both

Open access

Tatiana Tökölyová

the independent development of the country’s internal political environment), or national identity evolved as a subjective response to the globalizing challenges of the country. In this context, analysis of this factor should also consider the tasks of various prime ministers and top political representatives who are actively and knowingly involved in defining and shaping national identity – in accordance with Anholt’s definition of national brands such as the set of characteristics that are perceived by people in the country in the six key areas of expression of