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Vratislav Doubek

by, this ambition was nurtured and accomplished as an independent factor. These processes were commensurable in Central Europe. Moreover, even in the case of a delay of their individual phases, acceleration and partial alignment occurred in the revolutionary period at the turn of the 1840s. To meet an eligibility criterion for determining the transition between a culturally politicizing ambition and manifestation of a specific political interest, it is necessary to perceive the efforts to formulate and configure concretely achievable programs. The pressing nature

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Michaela Strapáčová and Vít Hloušek

same level since autumn 2015 ( Buchtík and Pilecká 2016 , 5). Securitization is the main trend in depicting the migrants in the media as well ( Břešťan 2016 ; Tkaczyk et al. 2016 ). The Moslems, mainly ignored in the political debates of the 1990s, have been exposed to a steadily growing anti-Islam discourse after 2001, which stresses that they are strangers dangerous for the allegedly “ethnically homogeneous” Czech society ( Topinka 2015 , 31–34). Public opinion demonstrates a constantly high level of distance of the Czechs in regard to the Moslems ( Topinka 2016a

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Gert Pickel and Cemal Öztürk

individuals based on their perceived religious background. As nonpracticing Muslims face discrimination because of their ethnocultural characteristics, it is an alleged group identity that drives anti-Muslim prejudice ( Cinnirella 2012 ). On these grounds, there are good reasons to search for the causes of Islamophobia in the light of social–psychological theories of prejudice and stereotyping ( Adorno et al. 1950 ; Allport 1971 ). The empirical part of our article focuses on one specific manifestation of Islamophobia: The support for an immigration ban for Muslims. Of

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Simone Benazzo

claimed that Hungarian history did not end with the negotiated transition to liberal democracy. The latter was to be perceived only as an intermediary step. As noted by Fowler, during the preaccession period, “Nationalist actors were not satisfied with the condition of the Hungarian nation and cultivated already dreams of national revival,” while socialists and liberals were “basically content with the condition of Hungarian nationhood and focus on the delivery of ‘progress’” by envisaging a future in the EU (2004, 78). Unsurprisingly then, “At least since the Status

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Ľubomír Zvada

per 1,000 inhabitants ( Eurostat 2018 ). To illustrate my point, the following two graphs show the development of applications for asylum numbers (Graph 1) and approved applications (Graph 2). Graph 1 Application of asylum seekers Source: Authors graph based on statistics by Ministry of Interior of Slovak Republic Graph 2 Numbers of received asylum application Source: Authors graph based on statistics by Ministry of Interior of Slovak Republic The last point mentioned above stresses the migration crisis as a part of the public and

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Tatiana Podolinská

private attempt to connect the label “black/brown” (Gypsy) with (irresistible) positive content (“chocolate”). During the interview, she was very coherent in using this “chocolate” association: “The God had the idea, I will make Tanya (i.e. the author of the study) white, whereas Greta, I will make her chocolate” . She was very critical of “black” and “white” negative ethnic and racial stereotypes and stressed the value of cultural and ethnic differences: “We are equal but not the same!” she asserted. After days of being with Greta and continuing my research both

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Tatiana Tökölyová

the independent development of the country’s internal political environment), or national identity evolved as a subjective response to the globalizing challenges of the country. In this context, analysis of this factor should also consider the tasks of various prime ministers and top political representatives who are actively and knowingly involved in defining and shaping national identity – in accordance with Anholt’s definition of national brands such as the set of characteristics that are perceived by people in the country in the six key areas of expression of

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Agata Domachowska

. What is more, individual figures can be perceived positively or negatively by particular social groups and sometimes even by a whole nation. Thus, evoking specific characters can have a positive impact on the image of a person who is compared to such a figure or the effect can be completely opposite, i.e. negative. If we consider the third formulated category, we should add that whether a particular figure strengthens the image of a given candidate or, conversely, has a negative impact on it depends on a multitude of different factors, often independent of each other

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Vilém Řehák

circulates in the local news discourse and who disseminates them. This analysis is by no means a complex analysis of how the presidency of Obama is perceived in Kenya. However, even with this partial scope, the analysis can reveal some important aspects of the perceptual dimension of US–African relations, which is an inseparable part of the soft power of the US on the continent. The article proceeds as follows. First, the perceptual dimension of international relations within the theoretical framework of soft power and strategic narratives and within the methodological

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Viera Žúborová and Ingrid Borárosová

assume that the neutral expression “Slovakia is not responsible” only proved that Slovak society perceives the EU decision as something that is happening far away and which does not concern them personally. Table 2 The most frequent phrases of Slovak politicians connected to refugee crisis Month Phrase Dominant discourse May “Quotas are not the solution, solution is in the countries of migrants’ origin” Slovakia is not responsible June “Moral duty” Slovakia is not responsible “Compulsory solidarity” “By adopting