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Justyna Gorgoń

them. They are not always perceived, however, as an integral component of regeneration programmes and projects. Long-awaited regulations on urban policy have appeared in recent years. In October 2015, the National Urban Policy 2023 ( Krajowa Polityka Miejska 2023 [KPM]) document was approved by the Council of Ministers. In the same month and the same year, the Polish Parliament approved the Regeneration Act (Ustawa o Rewitalizacji [UoR]). On the other hand, issues concerning climate have been included in the document approved by the Council of Ministers in

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Paweł Pistelok

’ ( Smagacz-Poziemska 2015 ), the author decided to determine how the ‘new’ centre is perceived by its users and what patterns of usage they established during its first two years of operation. The study lasted from March to June 2017 and took the form of standardised interviews with a sample of 220 users of the centre of Katowice who study, work, and spend their leisure time in these spaces. The sample was selected on a targeted and convenience basis, depending on the accessibility of respondents, with half of the sample consisting of women and half of men, and with

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Ágnes Erőss

heritage management ( Shackely 1998 , 2001 ). The examples presented in this article intend to shed light on the role social practice plays in the ‘life’ of a monument. My major interest is to find possible reasons or explanations why a monument becomes unsuccessful or rejected? In the following, I stress the importance of social practice as a crucial element in the fate of a monument. I argue that public acceptance of a memorial largely hinges on whether it is capable of addressing and engaging with its visitors. This factor is dependent not only on the aesthetics of

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Daria Łucka

positively correlated with some aspects of the sense of community, for example, sense of security ( Talen 1999 : 1365; Vick & Perkins 2013 ). The social doctrine of New Urbanism might be summarised as follows: ‘Its promoters stress the conviction that the built environment can create a “sense of community”, grounded in the idea that private communication networks are simply no substitute for real neighbourhoods, and that a reformulated philosophy about how we build communities will overcome our current civic deficits, build social capital and revive a community spirit

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Agnieszka Sobala-Gwosdz and Krzysztof Gwosdz

remarkable consensus about the usefulness of flagships among public and private actors involved in the process of urban regeneration. Flagship projects are perceived as visible symbols of urban renewal, powerful place-marketing tools and catalysts of regeneration ( Bianchini et al., 1992 ). There was a widely accepted view that ‘a city without a flagship did not have a regeneration strategy’ ( O’Toole & Usher 1992 : 221). The supporters of flagship projects, and in particular the so-called ‘prestigious flagship projects’ P. Loftman and B. Nevin (1995 : 300) define a

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Anna Staniewska

, G. & Davies, C. (2009) Benefits and well-being perceived by people visiting green spaces in periods of heat stress Urban Forestry & Urban Greening, 8(2), 97–108. 10.1016/j.ufug.2009.02.003 Lafortezza R. & Carrus G. & Sanesi G. & Davies C. 2009 Benefits and well-being perceived by people visiting green spaces in periods of heat stress Urban Forestry & Urban Greening 8 2 97 – 108 Lovett, A. & Appleton, K. & Warren-Kretzschmar, B. & Von Haaren, Ch. (2015) Using 3D visualization methods in landscape planning: An evaluation of

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Andrzej Bukowski, Marcjanna Nóżka and Marta Smagacz-Poziemska

(...) I’d really like to stress that if the police come, if they could not give a fine, because it’s a midwife, because I’m having a baby right now.’ And when my husband wakes up, he’ll sort out [a “legal” parking space] (KN.04) This incident is an example of the embodiment and routinisation of normative rules reflected in social practices. On the other hand, though, the increasingly petty and restrictive ways of organising parking areas and regulating access to them are increasingly met with disapproval from residents, especially when they are perceived as

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Edyta Gheribi

.23 From the sale of alcoholic beverages, tobacco 4 296.5 4 862.3 4 199.6 4 157.2 -3.25 -1.01 From other activity 673.5 584.8 617.6 445.5 -33.86 -27.87 Source: Own calculations based on CSO (GUS) data The revenue of foodservice enterprises is generated mainly by producing their own food, followed by alcohol and tobacco sales. It is important to stress that the revenue generated by their own production of food has been rapidly increasing. In 2015, own production generated 80.1% of total foodservice activity

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Magdalena Fuhrmann

almost 25% of all its European shops ( Table 2 ) located on the territory of Poland. At the same time, it needs to be stressed that discount stores share of the market in Poland amounts to approx. 24%, whereas in France, for example, it amounts to 14%, and in Belgium – 19%. This market segment is most highly developed in Germany (44%) ( Momot 2016 : 15). Table 2 Number of outlets of discount chains in Poland and in Europe in 2014 Poland Europe Share of the number of outlets in Poland in overall number of outlets in Europe Biedronka 2

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Jarosław Kazimierczak and Piotr Kosmowski

. Based on the Estonian example, J. Tintěra et al. (2014) , show a common perception that brownfield redevelopment, including post-industrial urban areas in post-socialist cities, is a private sector issue, while the results of our research illustrate strong public commitment. We need to stress that the actions undertaken by all of these city actors in most cases complemented efforts initiated by the Municipality. From this perspective, the city authorities should be praised for taking social initiatives into consideration. This was also a conclusion from T. Fenster