, such as deepening one’s intercultural understandings and/or developing one’s capacities to work within an equitable and social justice-based framework.
In addition to ‘curriculum’ and classroom-based initiatives, educationsystems need to also be challenged in terms of their institutional governance, pedagogical arrangements and openness to their social environments. To this end, a critical global citizenship approach within education should also consider the following: (i) extracurricular activities, non-formal education experiences as well as alternative learning
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knowledge migrants (Buers et al. 2018, 37). Under the Dutch educationsystem, schools with divergent religious or pedagogical principles can claim the same subsidies as Dutch public schools. This means that some English-language schools charge relatively low fees, though they cannot match the current demand. There are prestigious international schools with high fees, but not all families can afford these. An earlier research report on the need for international schools ( van der Wel 2016 ) resulted in the formation of a “taskforce for international education” made up of
-citizenship’ have become more widespread with the advent of guest workers alongside refugees, asylum seekers and illegal migrants. With the growing complexity of residence for migrant workers, displaced persons, stateless refugees, foreign students and tourists, it is no longer possible to assume a unitary character for citizenship status.
In the creation of national citizenship, the state employed a variety of reforms such as the modernisation of the military, the development of a national educationsystem, the construction of a state
vaccination campaign of the NGO ‘Save the Children’ in Abbottabad; however, Save the Children continues to deny any involvement with the CIA ( Shah 2011 ).
It is mainly since 9/11 that there has been much discussion about curricula or educational reforms in Pakistan. This generated new opportunities and challenges, e.g. opportunities for NGOs, to work in the area of Peace Education, and challenge extremist forces opposing reforms in Pakistan’s educationsystem. Many NGOs, such as the Agha Khan Foundation and the Peace and Education Foundation (PEF), have been accused by
These are the two normative underpinnings as identified by Walzer (1970 ; 1989 ), which broadly speaking correspond to the liberal and republican positions. The republican model requires that citizens participate directly and indirectly in political decision-making. However, as Walzer points out, this thick and substantial conception of citizenship cannot take place unless a society is very closely bound together, sharing ethics and morality and having high levels of trust in one another, conditions not seen since Athens of the 5th century.
Former Prime Minister Necmettin Erbakan’s National Outlook ( Milli Görüş ) Islamism, like all forms of Islamism, was shaped to a significant degree by the prototypical Islamism of Egypt’s Muslim Brotherhood ( al-Ikhwan al-Muslimin ) but it was never as radical as the Muslim Brotherhood. Whereas the Muslim Turkish aspired to a roots-and-branch (literally “radical”) transformation of the Egyptian political system, the National Outlook Islamists wanted the freedom to live in an Islamically “pure” way within the Turkish Republic by establishing
by the high esteem bestowed on disciplinary jargons and low esteem on clarity, but Said is too dismissive of expertise ( Modood 2009 ). Much scientific expertise improves material living standards, public services and personal well-being. It is about engaging with the pressing needs of individuals and communities, such as seeking a cure for cancer, reducing world poverty or contributing to the advancement of “the knowledge society” with a view to improving regional and national productivity and promoting technological innovation. We may agree with Said, however
2000 , 2012) or binary migration models ( Nail 2015 ) have been the ways in which global flows affect the nation-state, particularly in terms of economic theories of labour. These models rely on a world-systems theory of a central power and periphery cultures. Recognising the limitations of this work, counter-studies that focus on migration at a localised, individualistic level, less interested in the economic or political systems driving migration and more focussed on cultural motivations and exchanges have been conducted ( Papastergiadis and Trimboli 2017 , p. 567