very differently. People of foreign origin are less proud of their host country and tend to identify more with their country of origin and people of their own ethnicity. Furthermore, education and living in metropolises enable people to look beyond the borders of their community, nation-state, and ethnicity, thus fostering an inclusive, civic stance toward national identity, whereas the people who have less education and live in a confined community tend to see only the negative impact of the ongoing globalization upon their national identity. This creates a
the theoretical/doctrinal, the practical/cultic, and the sociological dimensions, the latter involving a system of social relations within religious groups, and also their relations to a broader society ( Wach 1944 ). Wach’s approach, although often considered as outdated – unjustly as Christian K. Wedemeyer points out – gave rise to further studies considering the typology and the multidimensionality of religion and religiosity ( Wedemeyer 2010 , xvii–xix). The dimensional theory helped sociologists, psychologists, and philosophers of religion, as well as
schools in the cities was 9529 students ( Tibawi 1991 , 47).
The program of the college developed into a higher stage called the High Level, when it started the system of Intermediate Examination at the end of 1941. Three different diplomas existed at the college, each representing a different scientific level ( Abbasi 1992 , 66). These diplomas were as follows:
The Palestine Matriculation: the examination was conducted under the supervision of the Council of Higher Education and administered by the general director of British Department of Education.
everyday life with its own speech community. What is more, the majority of the Arab states are not interested in securing necessary outlays on education that would enable teaching all Arabs standard Arabic to such a level of literacy as achieved in the case of vernacular languages in Europe. Obviously, it takes less time, effort, and investment to ensure an appropriately high level of literacy in a vernacular language (be it French, English, or German) than in a nonvernacular language with no speech community to its proverbial “soul.”
The Arab world’s situation of
potentially egalitarian implications. In their modern form, however, the examination systems are implemented in many Confucian societies as gateways into higher educationsystems and bureaucracies. Second, the Confucian emphasis on education underlines the individual need or pursuit of knowledge. Although an educated populace is seldom noted as a formal requirement of democracy, in practice a society’s general level of education has been an important underpinning of democratic institutions. Without a high level of literacy, people cannot know about and therefore participate
Petsinis, Vassilis. 2015. “The ‘New’ Far Right in Hungary: A Political Psychologist’s Perspective.” Journal of Contemporary European Studies 23 (2): 272–87. Petsinis Vassilis 2015 “The ‘New’ Far Right in Hungary: A Political Psychologist’s Perspective.” Journal of Contemporary European Studies 23 2 272 87
Policy Solution. 2017. Political Discrimination in Hungary: Case Studies from the Hungarian Justice System, Local Government, Media, Agriculture, Education and Civil Sector . Brussels: Policy Solutions. Accessed October 20, 2017. http
In this article, we assume that the concept of identity and that of system of values are correlative, if obviously not equivalent; indeed, one’s identity affects the things that one values, while any system of values motivates a particular sense of identity. Therefore, when speaking about pluralism or conflict of values, we shall by the same token imply the issue of identity. One of the theses of the article is that instead of there being two Russian identities (that of the intellectual elite and that of the masses) there are three identities in
entered the “business as usual” mode and focused on trade and investment ( Maina 2005 , 67; Mabera 2016 , 371). However, the US still recognized the defining features of the Kenyan political–economic system: poor governance and low accountability of the government, high levels of corruption, the lack of progress on reforms, inadequate infrastructure, insecurity and the low level of human rights record. Both the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank suspended new programs after the 1997 elections ( Machar 2015 , 196). Similarly, when President Clinton visited
politicians is likely to intensify these effects. Again and again, populists such as Victor Orbán portrayed Muslims as a burden for their host countries’ welfare systems ( Kokot 2015 ). In line with these theoretical arguments, we assume that collective deprivation matters for the support of a Muslim ban.
H9: Individuals who perceive their in-groups as collectively deprived vis-à-vis out-groups are more likely to support a Muslim ban .
At this point, we want to recall that we assume invariant causal effects of the outlined social–psychological drivers of Islamophobia
Slovak regions, as well as my surveys on the state of knowledge and opinions of the Slovak population on the wartime Slovak State and the Holocaust, ironically confirm that both possibilities may be correct. This part of our past is perceived very ambiguously, and not just by the youngest generations of Slovakia. It also reflects family interpretations of this history, the recollections of the times when grandparents or grand-grandparents were doing well… However, this situation is the result of an entire set of causes and processes, with education being just one part