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A model of the analysis of the dynamics and structure of socio-economic development (an example of the set of the largest Polish cities in the years 1998–2015)

there after 1989 have been the research subject of many authors. Unfortunately, the majority of works have been published in Polish and therefore their accessibility is limited. There are certain exceptions, although the published articles concern changes related to the political transformation rather than socio-economic development dynamics (cf. Węcławowicz 2002 ; Parysek 2004 , 2005 ; Parysek & Mierzejewska 2005 ; Parysek 2007 ; Korcelli-Olejniczak 2007 ; Mierzejewska 2009 ; Parysek 2010a , 2010b ; Smętkowski 2010 ; Steinführer et al. 2010 ; Korcelli

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Planetary gentrification and urban (re)development

Leipzig, they find ‘undeniable similarities’ with the spatial patterns in previous (Western) studies, but point to different economic roots as well as specific social consequences. They also find that the new-build gentrification in Lodz and Leipzig appears to be economically independent from the former (other) forms of gentrification and its dynamics. Of course gentrification in Eastern Europe is not just evident in its key cities but also along, for example, the coastline of Croatia in Dubrovnik, Split, and Pula. Indeed, the relationship between tourism and

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The right to wild. Green urban wasteland in the context of urban planning

a landscape, evidence that other people (or a community) consider it their home area. Territorial marks differ in different places ( Bell et al. 2001 ), denoting a sense of place and a level of development by the community. From this perspective the assumption can be made that the gradual removal of UW from the cityscape results in a decrease in the quality of living and in the diversity of public spaces, often provoking protests of their users ( Fig. 1 ). Is it because they are the only open green spaces in their neighbourhood or because of their specific

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One more inventory or spatial planning – which better serves the goals of the Carpathian Convention in historic towns?

(ANPED 2011a) the inventory should be based on five principles: diversity, non-elite selection, balance between tangible and intangible heritage, authenticity and appropriateness, objectivity. It contains 14 categories of items and 8 criteria according to which specific items should be assessed. So far it has been implemented in two pilot areas, one in Ukraine and one in the Czech Republic (ANPED 2011b). No reference was made in the recommendations either to existing national heritage inventories nor to local spatial planning. Bearing in mind the need for better

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Urban design for mobilities – towards material pragmatism

obviously that only that which may be quantified may ‘enter the model’. However, another problematic issue is the tendency to focus transport models on isolated individuals. Other research in the everyday life complexity associated with household decision-making dynamics suggests that this is a simplified understanding of what shapes urban mobilities: ‘One person’s mobility patterns may have a direct impact on another’s capacity to be mobile, so, we must consider mobile subjects as clusters of interacting agents, not simply singular and individuated actors. Even within

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Urban demographic transition

. Despite this, the term ‘urban transition’ was not included in the two scientific dictionaries cited above ( Pressat 1979 ; Dictionnaire démographique multilingue 2013), although ‘urban dynamics’ was the subject of study in numerous recent publications throughout the last two decades of the 20 th century, even if we limit this review only to French literature ( Claval 1981 , Pumain 1982 , Bairoch 1985 , Beaujeu-Garnier, Dézert & Chelma 1991 , Guérin-Pace 1993 , Moriconi-Ebrard 1994 ; Wackermann 2000a , 2000b , Moriconi-Ebrard 2001 ). Based on the (inevitably

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“East meets West” – on studying “Eastern” housing estates through “Western” concepts and approaches

determining the fate of HEs. The location of HEs in Western and Eastern countries can probably be considered the most important aspect with the most general application in this regard. As aptly and comprehensively stated by S. Kabisch & K. Grossmann (2013 : 232), “[t]he situation of housing estates in Europe differs very much between western [sic] European countries and former eastern [sic] European socialist countries. The political goals behind their construction, the diversity of ownership structures as well as the quantitative scope of this neighbourhood type provides

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How do parking practices structure urban territorial communities?

corresponding to these norms. The second refers to all the initiatives, actions and events concerning group interests and the associated tensions and conflicts arising around the way the parking space is organised on the estate, as well as the perception of this space in the context of the functions and aims of the common spaces of the estate as a whole. Individual actions and the emergence of a normative order Within the structure and dynamics of everyday practices, one can discern the framework of an emerging normative order concerning parking on the estate. It is worth

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