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Religion and culture in Europe: law, policies and realities

from cultural heritage and museum ICD policy, diversifying the cultural arts and tackling discrimination and prejudice to explicit ICD components in settlement policies for refugees and migrants. Since 2008, the open method of coordination (OMC) has fostered cooperation between EU member states in the field of culture. There are fourteen OMC groups, one of which is ICD. Under the OMC, in the latest Work Plan for Culture 2015–2018 of the Platform for Intercultural Europe, four priorities are listed: (1) accessible and inclusive culture; (2) cultural heritage; (3

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Stimulating Flexible Citizenship: The Impact of Dutch and Indian Migration Policies on the Lives of Highly Skilled Indian Migrants in the Netherlands

recent graduates from Dutch universities provide them with a residence permit for one year while they search for a job. There are also special rules that apply to scientific researchers. Local and national government work together with private partners to facilitate the lives of knowledge migrants. In 2018, the Scientific Research and Documentation Centre (WODC) from the Dutch Ministry of Justice and Security commissioned research on the appeal of the Netherlands for knowledge migrants, the goal of which was to gain insights into how the Immigration and

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“This is a Controlled Invasion”: The Czech President Miloš Zeman’s Populist Perception of Islam and Immigration as Security Threats

using the extended lexical search method. The search subject included words that are linked to the phenomenon of security, namely, security/danger, endangerment/endanger, threat, and risk. The found occurrences were subjected to manual refining. During this refining process, occurrences of terms that 1) were not linked to the topic of security (e.g., “securing [in the sense of providing conditions for] the course of the event”) and 2) were not linked to the conventional concept of security but fell into the wider concept of it (e.g., “ensuring the security of miners

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The Transformation of the Crimean Tatars’ Institutions and Discourses After 2014

, particularly its rejection of the Soviet regime, nonviolent methods of struggle, and support for democratic forces in Ukraine ( Ozcelik 2015 , 13-14). Despite the dominance of secular views, the leadership of the Mejlis often appealed to Islam as an important component of the historical and cultural tradition of the Crimean Tatars. At the same time, all ideologies that proclaimed the primacy of religion over ethnicity were rejected by it as alien and harmful to the Crimean Tatars, such as those that can lead to the assimilation of the people, its dissolution among the

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Ethnic Identity of Kazakhstani Russians: The Dynamics of Change and the Place of Russia as a Kin State

constructivist theories. The case study of Kazakhstani Russians was analyzed applying the various methods of qualitative research, including surveys, in-depth interviews, content analysis of the publications, and the speeches of political figures and activists. In addition, the methods of participant observation helped in understanding the cultural differentiation of the Russian religious organizations in Kazakhstan. The revised literature allows us to identify the three multidirectional and mutually incompatible trends in the comprehension of the ethnic identity

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Between Diplomacy and Paradiplomacy: Taiwan's Foreign Relations in Current Practice

the notion of diplomacy with the state, we can distinguish several of its basic meanings. In academic sources, as well as in diplomatic practice, the word “diplomacy” is most commonly understood as the tool or process for the promotion of a state’s foreign policy interests through negotiation or other nonviolent means (with the exception of the means of international law). Methods of international law, including, e.g., solving of disputes before an international court, are – as a rule – considered a separate tool of performance of the state’s foreign policy. For

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Anti-Islamism without Moslems: Cognitive Frames of Czech Antimigrant Politics

and practically no migrants of the recent refugee wave? The focus of this paper will be on the “supply side” – the cognitive frames constructed by the main political actors – in order to simplify the complex reality and to offer an ontological and epistemic point of departure to the voters. In order to answer this question, we organized the paper in the following manner. First, we provide a brief introduction into the concept of cognitive frames in order to delimit the scope and methods of research and to operationalize the research question. The ensuing section

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Islamophobia Without Muslims? The “Contact Hypothesis” as an Explanation for Anti-Muslim Attitudes – Eastern European Societies in a Comparative Perspective

level: The assumed negative individual-level effect of contacts on anti-Muslim prejudice lacks an amplifier in Eastern Europe as Muslim communities are virtually inexistent in these parts of Europe. To put it bluntly, the lack of direct contacts in Eastern Europe fosters citizen’s antipathy toward Muslims. It is also conceivable that Islamophobic attitudes lead to less contact with Muslims. However, research on the contact hypothesis suggests the causal direction we deploy in our article: Contact is likely to reduce prejudice against out-groups (Pettigrew and Tropp

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Migration Discourse in Slovak Politics. Context and Content of Migration in Political Discourse: European Values versus Campaign Rhetoric

Introduction One of the main ways that politicians can influence a wider scope of people and reach a larger number of prospective voters is through words that are, much of the time, directed through the media. Words, phrases, and different sets of keywords are considered some of the strongest tools available to politicians as a means of securing new people to vote for them and to retain the loyal voters who have voted for them on previous occasions. Some discourses are at times very repetitive and have been this way for a very long time; some of them have

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Divided National Identity in Moldova

studied data, the resulting findings were complemented with own opinions and the data from field researches executed between 2015 and 2016, obtained from interviews with academics, journalists, and representatives of political parties in Moldova and Romania. The authors attempt to answer the research questions through the study of primary sources, documents, and works published in the Romanian, Moldovan, Russian, and English languages and to formulate the conclusion of the work through a method of induction, i.e., the process of formulation of general conclusions from

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