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Jesenko Tešan and Joan Davison


This paper examines the source and consequences of permanent liminality in the political-legal administration of the Byzantine Empire. The paper argues ambiguous and incomplete identities of individuals, groups, and society associated with certain authoritarian political arrangements and consequent arrested liminal period(s) contributed to the decline of the Empire. Further, and significantly, the unresolved situation of disaggregated identity, or spirited away demos, persisted in the Ottoman Era and continues to infect contemporary socio-political affairs in regions in the Balkans and other countries of the former Soviet Union which now seek to balance the interests of a nation-state with the diversity of Europe. The paper does not consider the Orthodox Spirit, but rather analyzes the role of pseudo-intellectuals and sophists who derail the democratic and philosophical Hellenist traditions with authoritarian policies and tools. The research compares and links the institutional attempts of the Byzantine and Ottoman Empires to manage and manipulate differences and distinctions through mechanisms such as theatricalization and the millets. The argument concludes that these strategies created the basis for the perpetualization of the sick man of Europe to the extent they focused on juggling the distinctions and identities of the empires rather than pursuing the development of the democratic self. Thus, in liminality is revealed and contained undead and viral authoritarian spirits, sometimes manifested in populist or extremist ethnic leaders, whose technologies trick the demos and disrupt the democratic imagination.

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Donatella Bonansinga

:// > [Accessed on June 11th 2014]. Council Framework Decision of 13 June 2002 on combating terrorism, 2002/475/JHA. Available at < > [Accessed on June 12th 2014]. Council Framework Decision of 13 June 2002 on the European arrest warrant and the surrender procedures between Member States, 2002/584/JHA. Available at < > [Accessed on June 12th 2014]. De Cesari P. (2006). The

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Elmira Muratova

the Crimean authorities in the search for missing people. Initially, the group was able to conduct a dialog with the authorities ( Kontaktnaya gruppa...2014 ), but in 2016, when the searches and arrests of Crimean Tatars took massive forms, the authorities stopped all contacts with the group. As a result, it went through reorganization and reorientation and made an emphasis on human rights and charity initiatives. When the Crimean contact group has been transformed into the ‘Crimean solidarity,’ it united families of more than 20 arrested and detained Crimean

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Erik Pajtinka

in relation to the representations (offices) include, e.g., inviolability of premises, property, documents, and archives, exemption from taxes, freedom of communication for official purposes, the right to use code for official communications, and the right to send and receive official documents by couriers having a standing equal to diplomatic couriers. In relation to the staff of the representations, they have, e.g., immunity from the criminal, civil, and administrative jurisdiction of the local authorities, immunity from arrest, search, and detention, and

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Elisabeth Kovtiak

, jewelry, books, and documents. The Museum of Soviet Occupation focuses on the cruelty of the communist regime. Here, one can find official documents and photographs that tell about the horrors of Stalin’s repressions: human losses and anti-Soviet riots, unjust arrests, deportations, dekulakization An appropriation of wealthy peasants’ property that happened in the USSR in 1929–1932 under Stalin’s reign. Dekulakization is considered as political repression, as people were not only deprived of their property but also, in some cases, arrested, deported, or executed

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Tai-Dong Nguyen and Manh-Tung Ho

Ming invasion. When both father and son were arrested by the Ming dynasty, Ho Nguyen Trung pointed out the cause of the failure: “I’m not afraid of fighting, I only fear that the people’s heart/mind does not support me” ( Le et al. 1993 , 235). The examples cited above have undoubtedly painted a harmonious picture of the relationship between the ruler and the ruled. Historians studying the Ly dynasty, however, suggest a less idealized approach, instead of adopting the conventional view that this dynasty had established a centralized state power in Vietnam in the 11

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Vladimír Baar and Daniel Jakubek

, persons connected to the National Patriotic Front were arrested and deported. Professor Ghimpu lost his position at the university and spent 6 years in prison for “subversive activity”. Thereafter, he became a prominent dissident, active in the Moldavian independent movement in the period of Mikhail Gorbachev’s Perestroika More at . A big change came about with the Russian politician Mikhail Gorbachev in 1985. Through reforms of Perestroika and Glasnost

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Vilém Řehák

, arbitrary arrests of opposition leaders and violations of human rights eventually led to suspending aid to Kenya in November 1991 ( Mezzell 2010 , 80). Only one month later, Moi reluctantly agreed to end one-party rule. Under Clinton, the Africa policy was initially ad hoc, inconsistent and driven by domestic concerns rather than a vision ( Waters 2009 , lxvii). He followed the sentiment of US public that foreign policy had lost its importance and prioritized domestic issues. After the debacle in Somalia, he halted military aid to Africa, passed the strict legal