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Ieva Karpavičiūtė

Abstract

The paper addresses the security threat perception and securitization of existential threats in Lithuania. It focuses upon the securitization theory and its ability to explain the change of national security agendas as affected by the changes in national identity and existential security threats. It takes into account the internal and external factors that are shaping the objective and subjective national threat perception. The paper applies O. Waever’s securitization theory with an aim to explain how the national security threats are being addressed and perceived in Lithuania. Moreover, the paper is developed against the backdrop of the most recent developments in securitization theory and evolution of its theoretical perceptions of identity, existential threats, and legitimacy. It also discusses the possibility of inclusion of hybrid security threats into an analysis of securitization. The empirical part of the article assesses the most recent security challenges, provides evaluation of changes in national security perception, and portrays the dynamics of national security threats as defined in the National Security Strategies and the Military Doctrine. The paper focuses upon the most recent dynamics in security policy of Lithuania. It also takes into account the hybrid nature of security threats and the reaction to hybrid security elements such as: cyber security, information security, and international terrorism.

Open access

Maksimas Milta

Abstract

The article addresses Lithuania’s foreign policy vis-à-vis the Eastern Partnership programme in 2009-2014 from the perspective of small states’ abilities to influence decision making processes within the European Union. The author aims at revealing the puzzle of Lithuania’s marginal capacities of absolute power being disproportional to the output of its foreign policy towards implementation of the Eastern Partnership programme and hence utilising “smart state strategy” conceptualised by Anders Wivel. The novelty of the study rests on expansion of applying the smart state strategy towards the post-negotiation stage of the policy implementation. The article contributes to the debate over the applicability of the “smart state strategy” approach towards the Common Foreign and Security Policy of the European Union, by arguing that Lithuania’s foreign policy vis-à-vis the Eastern Partnership programme in 2009-2014 does indeed serve as an example of such behaviour, however recognising Lithuania’s initial shift from utilising “small state policy” to “smart state strategy”.

Open access

Deividas Šlekys

Abstract

Since regaining independence in 1990 and creating its regular armed forces, Lithuania has had to do a balancing act. It has had to balance between different approaches of state defence, military structure, collective and national defence. Due to events in Ukraine Lithuania had to reconfigure this balance. The Russian threat forced to emphasize strategy of territorial defence, which altogether required tying up forces and enlarging its numbers by bringing back conscription, substantially increased defence budget, followed by higher tempo and scale in procurement and training. However, Lithuania has managed to maintain its activity and participation in international military operations and political initiatives. Its recent contributions have led to an assumption that its participation in various military missions in the future will not diminish, quite the opposite. Increasing the framework of cooperation in terms of defence and security initiatives will involve Lithuania more deeply and will require further contributions.

Open access

Diana Jurgelevičiūtė

Abstract

Strategic partnership between states is a reciprocal exchange built on mutual commitment. The significance of the United States to Lithuania is unquestionable. However, why should the U.S. care about Lithuania? The emphasis on the U.S. interests and policies allows ignoring the question about Lithuania’s engagement and input into the partnership. Therefore, this article asks how does Lithuania contribute to the strategic partnership with the U.S.? To be precise, does Lithuania support and pledge its allegiance to the U.S. when this support goes beyond the limits of direct responsibilities of strategic partner, or even enters into a conflict with other important responsibilities or interests of the state?

Open access

Justinas Lingevičius

Abstract

The aim of this article is to investigate what perceptions towards European Union, Austria and Russia exist in terms of Lithuanian identity. This question arises from a chosen case of Michail Golovatov’s release and intense discussions within Lithuanian media about this issue in summer of 2011. Although it seems that incident and later diplomatic conflict is directly related with Austria and judicial arguments, but Austria and its actions provoked broad considerations what Lithuania’s relations with European Union, its member states and even Russia are. First, article analyses theoretical significance of identity and its relation with foreign policy. Second, methodological tools of discourse analysis are formulated in order to analyse selected texts which compose the discourse of the case. Third, according to the meanings found interpretations explaining how Lithuanian identity is constructed through perceptions towards EU, Austria and Russia are presented.

Open access

Benas Brunalas

Abstract

The paper reflects on the conception of the phenomenon of fear employed in the international relations theory. A critique of understanding of fear as a rational incentive of conventional international relations theories paves the way for the notion of fear as an emotion. It is argued that the behaviour of states in international politics should be explained via their psychological and emotional aspects. The paper proposes to connect the arising of and experiencing fear with collective memory and the imagery entrenched in nations’ subconscious. It also proposes to distinguish the two levels of arising of and experiencing the emotion of fear, namely the attempt to consciously arouse fear and its nonconscious experience. On the first level, mnemonic-emotive agents consciously activate collective emotions via the nation’s collective memory. On the second, once the contents/imagery of the society’s subconscious are activated, the aroused emotions are nonconsciously experienced by the society. The paper offers a case study from the Lithuanian foreign policy: its relations with Russia. Discourse analysis of Lithuania-Russia relations, where President Dalia Grybauskaitė plays an active and important role in discourse formation, suggests that the formation of Lithuanian foreign policy, with regard to Russia, is affected by the emotion of fear.

Open access

Justinas Juozaitis

Abstract

The development of nuclear power in Belarus is an important issue addressed by Lithuanian foreign policy due to a mixture of geographic, political and nuclear safety concerns. Despite the pronounced relevance, the topic has received very limited academic attention. The paper attempts to fill this gap by identifying key objectives of Lithuanian foreign policy towards Ostrovets NPP and strategy for attaining them. The research is based on the analysis of high-level meetings and statements of six Lithuanian decision makers and a wide range of official documents. The paper argues that despite the apparent focus on nuclear safety of Ostrovets NPP, Lithuanian foreign policy aims to prevent its construction or at least to prolong the process. In order to do this, Lithuanian pressures Belarus via European Union and other international organizations and platforms by highlighting the nuclear safety issues of the plant, Belarusian non-compliance with Espoo and Aarhus conventions and presenting it as matter of international concern.

Open access

Aušra Dumčiuvienė

Abstract

Importance of public diplomacy for states foreign policy implementation and image formation continued to grow over past few decades. New communication technologies provided new means for more successful public diplomacy implementation. The aim of this article is to examine the role of twiplomacy in states foreign policy implementation. Twiplomacy is quite new phenomenon, but its significance is undeniable. A lot of states leaders, governmental institutions, diplomatic missions and diplomats have accounts in Twitter and use it for promoting foreign policy goals and developing positive image of state. Social networks are used to implement states’ public diplomacy, because they provide opportunity to reach mainstream audiences, to develop dialogue amongst politicians and wider audiences and influence people opinion on important issues.

Open access

Eglė Vileikienė and Diana Janušauskienė

References Both, Ken. 2013. “Foreward” in Shepherd, Laura J. (ed.) Critical Approaches to Security. London and New York: Routledge, p.p.xv-xvii. Budrys, Kęstutis. 2008. “The Impact of Cooperation with Poland on Lithuania”s Energy Security” in Lithuanian Annual Strategic Review 2007, Volume 6, p.p. 223-278. Buzan, Barry. 1983. People, States & Fear: The National Security Problem in International Relations. University of North Carolina Press. Buzan, Barry, Wæver, Ole, Wilde, Jaap de. 2008. Security