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Ieva Karpavičiūtė

Abstract

The paper addresses the security threat perception and securitization of existential threats in Lithuania. It focuses upon the securitization theory and its ability to explain the change of national security agendas as affected by the changes in national identity and existential security threats. It takes into account the internal and external factors that are shaping the objective and subjective national threat perception. The paper applies O. Waever’s securitization theory with an aim to explain how the national security threats are being addressed and perceived in Lithuania. Moreover, the paper is developed against the backdrop of the most recent developments in securitization theory and evolution of its theoretical perceptions of identity, existential threats, and legitimacy. It also discusses the possibility of inclusion of hybrid security threats into an analysis of securitization. The empirical part of the article assesses the most recent security challenges, provides evaluation of changes in national security perception, and portrays the dynamics of national security threats as defined in the National Security Strategies and the Military Doctrine. The paper focuses upon the most recent dynamics in security policy of Lithuania. It also takes into account the hybrid nature of security threats and the reaction to hybrid security elements such as: cyber security, information security, and international terrorism.

Open access

Maksimas Milta

Abstract

The article addresses Lithuania’s foreign policy vis-à-vis the Eastern Partnership programme in 2009-2014 from the perspective of small states’ abilities to influence decision making processes within the European Union. The author aims at revealing the puzzle of Lithuania’s marginal capacities of absolute power being disproportional to the output of its foreign policy towards implementation of the Eastern Partnership programme and hence utilising “smart state strategy” conceptualised by Anders Wivel. The novelty of the study rests on expansion of applying the smart state strategy towards the post-negotiation stage of the policy implementation. The article contributes to the debate over the applicability of the “smart state strategy” approach towards the Common Foreign and Security Policy of the European Union, by arguing that Lithuania’s foreign policy vis-à-vis the Eastern Partnership programme in 2009-2014 does indeed serve as an example of such behaviour, however recognising Lithuania’s initial shift from utilising “small state policy” to “smart state strategy”.

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Laimonas Talat-Kelpša

Abstract

Interest in South Asia among Lithuanian scholars is rather low. For a long time the region has remained off the radar screen of Lithuanian foreign policy makers, who were largely focused on Lithuania’s Euro-Atlantic integration and international consolidation issues. But the situation is changing and South Asia is emerging as an increasingly important political and economic partner for Lithuania. This article attempts to outline the general characteristics of the South Asia region, its geographical and geopolitical limits, and its current key issues, in the backdrop of which Lithuania’s relations with the nations of the region are assessed. Arguably, at present Lithuania has little to offer in addressing the fundamental problems of the region, but its role in individual niches can be quite useful. Lithuanian exports of lasers and laser-related technologies to India, along with the growing number of South Asian students in Lithuanian higher education institutions, are brought in as two small but illustrative examples.

Open access

Liudas Mažylis, Ingrida Unikaitė-Jakuntavičienė and Romualdas Povilaitis

and Littlefield, 2009. Electoral Committee of the Republic of Lithuania, www.vrk.lt/balsavimo-rezultatai ELTA ir lrytas.lt inf. (papildyta premjero komentaru). Referendumas įkvėpė drąsos VAE priešininkams. Energetika, 2012-10-24, 13:28. www.lrytas.lt ELTA ir lrytas.lt inf. Paskelbtas galutinis „Drąsos kelio“ kandidatų į Seimo narius sąrašas. Aktualijos, 2012-08-16, 09:41. www.lrytas.lt Girnius K. Kas laimės Seimo rinkimus? 2016-02-16, www.Delfi.lt Hendricks, Allen John and Robert E. Denton (edt.) Comunicator in Chief: How Barack

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Anastazija Markevičiūtė and Vytautas Kuokštis

-O., Sprūds, A. Baltic-German Strategic Engagement: Realignment after the Eurocrisis?. Latvian Institute of International Affairs, Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung. Retrieved from http://liia.lv/site/docs/StrategyTalks2013_A5_GALA.pdf BNS, 2012, January 2. D.Grybauskaitė: Lietuvai nerealu 2014 metais įsivesti eurą [D.Grybauskaitė: euro adoption in 2014 is unrealistic for Lithuania]. Delfi.lt. Retrieved from http://www.delfi.lt/verslas/verslas/dgrybauskaite-lietuvai-nerealu-2014-metais-isivesti-eura.d?id=53635625 Caporale, G.M., Ciferri, A., Girardi

Open access

Kristín Loftsdóttir

.1215/08992363-12-2-291. Daukšas, D 2013, ‘Lithuanians in Norway: between ‘here’ and ‘there’’, Urbanities, vol. 3, no. 2, pp. 51-68. Dzenovska, D 2010, ‘Public reason and the limits of liberal antiracism in Latvia’, Ethnos, vol. 75, no. 4, pp. 496-525, DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00141844.2010.535125. Dzenovska, D 2013, ‘Historical agency and the coloniality of power in postsocialist Europe’, Anthropological Theory, vol. 13, no. 4, pp. 394-416, DOI: 10.1177/1463499613502185. ECRI-The European Commission Against Racism and Intolerance, 2007

Open access

Deividas Šlekys

Abstract

Since regaining independence in 1990 and creating its regular armed forces, Lithuania has had to do a balancing act. It has had to balance between different approaches of state defence, military structure, collective and national defence. Due to events in Ukraine Lithuania had to reconfigure this balance. The Russian threat forced to emphasize strategy of territorial defence, which altogether required tying up forces and enlarging its numbers by bringing back conscription, substantially increased defence budget, followed by higher tempo and scale in procurement and training. However, Lithuania has managed to maintain its activity and participation in international military operations and political initiatives. Its recent contributions have led to an assumption that its participation in various military missions in the future will not diminish, quite the opposite. Increasing the framework of cooperation in terms of defence and security initiatives will involve Lithuania more deeply and will require further contributions.

Open access

Vytautas Jokubauskas

Abstract

In the 21st century - as in the first half of the 20th century - Lithuania has faced threats posed to its national security and statehood. Owing to its limited resources, the country is not essentially able to establish large regular forces; therefore, it is permanently developing its territorial defence forces. In the interwar period, their nucleus was formed by the Lithuanian Riflemen’s Union, while in the 21st century it is by the National Defence Volunteer Forces. While modelling new concepts of territorial defence, it is inevitable to consider not only the practices of other countries and their military theories but also Lithuania’s national experience. Of course, this is the experience of 1990-2004, but in the first part of the 20th century the idea of territorial defence was also put into practice and cultivated at the theoretical level. Another aspect is that territorial defence in practice is inextricably entwined with the tactics of guerrilla warfare and their application. Lithuania’s historical experience and analysis of its territorial defence and partisan war is not only knowledge for its own sake. It may have tangible practical value since Lithuania considered, premeditated and applied these notions in practice repeatedly in the first half of the 20th century. Furthermore, the geographical location of the country and distribution of eventual sources of conflict in comparison with the interwar period have virtually not changed. In the interwar period, East Prussia, part of Germany and separated by the Polish Corridor, had been a semi-exclave up until September 1939. Similarly, it is only by sea and air that this territory is accessible at present, though now a subject of the Russian Federation as the Kaliningrad region. Due to geopolitical transformations, after World War II the ‘enemy from the East’ had moved geographically to Western Lithuania. There exists a similar situation on the south-eastern border of Lithuania, where a none-too-friendly interwar Poland changed to a Belarus governed by Alexander Lukashenko. Lithuania’s northern border with Latvia, also a NATO member at present, remains unchanged and comparatively safe; in the interwar period, only attempts were made to discuss the idea of having mutual defence although Latvia had planned to provide some support for the Lithuanian forces in the case of a Wehrmacht attack from East Prussia to the East. So it is expedient to elaborate on what attention the Lithuanian Armed Forces in the interwar period paid to the history of war, what kind of experience of the 20th century territorial defence and partisan resistance they gained, and how this may be of value to defence experts in the 21st century.

Open access

Tomas Janeliūnas

Abstract

The goal of this article is to discuss and evaluate the importance of Lithuania’s OSCE Chairmanship in 2011, the achieving of political objectives and the results of the Chairmanship for Lithuanian national interests, foreign and security policy. The article raises questions about what motivates national states to seek a chairmanship of the OSCE, how agendas of the Chairmanship are formulated, and what obligations have to be assumed in chairing the OSCE. The article argues that Lithuania’s motivation for the OSCE Chairmanship has evolved from early efforts to enhance national interests (based on political objectives) to the obligation to be efficient in fulfilling the formal functions of the OSCE ( the functional/technocratic goals). The research found that despite the high activity and diplomatic efforts, the final result of Lithuania’s Chairmanship was disappointing to some extent - only part of Lithuania’s proposals with a priority mark were eventually adopted by the OSCE Ministerial Council in Vilnius

Open access

Vilius Ivanauskas, Vytautas Keršanskas and Laurynas Kasčiūnas

Abstract

The Kaliningrad issue has always been part of several contexts of Lithuanian foreign policy and security assurance. That is why it is significant to look at what relationship models Lithuania has tried to implement with Kaliningrad and what opportunities and threats it has created for Lithuania. This article analyses the Kaliningrad factor, which became apparent during Vladimir Putin’s rule, in Russia’s relations with Lithuania, the EU, and NATO, and assesses the aspects of both “hard” and “soft” security. We argue that it is important to consider what Kaliningrad Oblast means to Russia, what role it plays in its foreign policy, how it is changing and what the dynamics of the EU and Lithuania’s relations with Kaliningrad has recently been, and what the possible and desirable scenarios of Lithuania’s cooperation with Kaliningrad could be.