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Marcin Jędrysiak

://hrlibrary.umn.edu/undocs/1621-2007.html, [Accessed on: 4 August 2017]. ENRI-EAST [2013] Research Report #8 Th e Polish Minority in Lithuania [online] Available at: http://www.ces.lt/wp-content/uploads/2013/01/ENRI_Polish-in-Lithuania.pdf [Accessed on: 13 January 2018] European Comission [2007], Th ird report on Latvia Adopted on 29 June 2007 https://www.coe.int/t/dghl/monitoring/ecri/Country-by-country/Latvia/LVA-CbC-III-2008-2-ENG.pdf, [Accessed on: 20 December 2017]. Górecki D. [2009] Sytuacja ludności polskiej na Wschodzie w świetle

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Mingailė Jurkutė

. Lietuvos TSR kultūros paminklų sąrašas (1973). Vilnius: Mokslinė metodinė kultūros paminklų apsaugos taryba. LITHUANIA. Lietuvos Respublikos asmenų, represuotų už pasipriešinimą okupaciniams režimams, teisių atkūrimo įstatymas. (1990) [online]. Available from: http://www3.lrs.lt/pls/inter3/dokpaieska.showdoc_l?p_id=331928&p_tr2=2 [Accessed: 2 September 2014]. Olekas P. (1966). LKP kova už socialistinį žemės ūkio pertvarkymą Tarybų Lietuvoje . Vilnius: Mintis. Račkauskas K. (1986). Kraštotyros sąjūdžio dvidešimtpenkmetis . Vilnius: Lietuvos TSR

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Monika Frėjutė-Rakauskienė

. (2004). ‘Ethnicity as cognition’. Theory and Society, Vol. 33, pp. 31-64. Central Electoral Commission of the Republic of Lithuania . Available at: www.vrk.lt [Accessed on 22 January 2015]. Chaney P. & Fever R. (2001). ‘Inclusive Governance and “Minority” Groups: The Role of the Third Sector in Wales’. International Journal of Voluntary and Nonprofit Organizations , Vol. 12, No. 2, pp. 131-156. Daukšas D. (2011). ‘Dominuojantis nacijos, teritorijos ir valstybės diskursas lietuviškoje 1988–1991 m. periodikoje’. Liaudies kultūra, No. 5, pp. 7

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Polish Political Science Review

Polski Przeglad Politologiczny

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Miranda Lupion

, 135-56. Rosset, J (2011). ‘Th e 2010 Presidential Election in Poland.’ Electoral Studies 30, 241-44. Snyder, T (2002). ‘Memory of Sovereignty and Sovereignty over Memory: Poland, Lithuania and Ukraine, 1939-1999.’ In Memory and Power in Post-War Europe, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 39-58. Stańczyk, E (2013). ‘Caught between German and Russia: Memory and National Identity in Poland’s Right-Wing Media Post-2004.’ Th e Slavonic and East European Review 91, no. 2, 289-316. Stanley, B (2016

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Pavol Baboš

. 35, No. 3, pp. 590-602. Kuokstis, V. (2012). ‘Trust and Taxes: Estonian and Lithuanian Fiscal Performance During the Crisis’. APSA 2012 Annual Meeting Paper. Available at < http://ssrn.com/abstract=2104562 > [Accessed 2 February 2013] Marien, S. (2011). Measuring Political Trust Across Time and Space. In: Hooghe M., Zmerli S. eds. Political Trust. Why Context Matters . Colchester: ECPR Press, pp. 13-46. Mishler, W. and Rose, R. (2001). ‘What Are the Origins of Political Trust? Testing Institutional and Cultural Theories in Post

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Gert Pickel and Cemal Öztürk

: European Social Survey 2014 and PEW Research 2011. Own figure . But with a glance on the available data, the anti-Muslim rhetoric of Miloš Zeman, Jaroslaw Kaczyński, and Victor Orbán seems to be in line with the public opinion in their countries. Over one in two respondents in the Czech Republic (56%) and Hungary (50%) and at least one in three in Estonia (41%), Lithuania (37%), and Poland (32%) reject Muslim immigration. Slovenia is rather an outlier among East European societies. Less than one in four of Slovenian respondents (20%) is in favor of a Muslim ban

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Elisabeth Kovtiak

independence from the USSR, its constituent republics in the first place started to reconstruct narratives about their past and separate themselves from mythologies provided by the Soviet Union. Different countries had done this at different moments of time. For example, Latvia, Estonia, and Lithuania had done this almost immediately after the dissolution of the USSR, Belarus had not done this till today, and Ukraine ( Shevel 2009 ) and Georgia have done this more than a decade after the dissolution of the USSR, when their political courses shifted. Post

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Vladimír Baar and Daniel Jakubek

German, it was Siebenbürgen, i.e., “Seven Castles”). In the course of the fifteenth century, Wallachia and Moldavia became the vassals of the Ottoman Sultanate with internal autonomy, although for a short time, between 1600 and 1602, the two countries were combined into a single state, together with Transylvania, under Michael the Brave. However, Moldavia did not just become an object of Ottoman interests. The territory was desired by the Polish–Lithuanian state in seeking access to the Black Sea, and from the late eighteenth century by the expanding Russia, for whom