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References/Literatura: 1. Lewandowski, K. (2011). Ocena polityki regionalnej Unii Europejskiej w świetle badań empirycznych. Gospodarka w teorii i praktyce, 2 (29), 53-64. 2. Łaźniewska, E., Górecki, T., Chmielewski, R. (2011). Konwergencja regionalna . Poznań: Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Ekonomicznego w Poznaniu. 3. Puga, D. (2001). European Regional Policies in Light of Recent Location Theories. CEPR Discussion Paper Series , 2767, 14-15. 4. Surówka, A., Prędka, P. (2016). PKB per capita jako wyznacznik rozwoju ekonomicznego regionów Polski Wschodniej


The aim of this paper is to analyze if the Western Balkan and Eastern Partnership countries converge towards the twenty-eight members of the European Union. The relationships between the selected macroeconomic variables and per capita GDP growth rate are econometrically tested to support this research. The analyzed period is 2004–2017, with two sub-periods: 2004–2008 and 2009–2013. The subdivision is made to test whether the recent financial crisis affected the absolute and conditional convergence process in the analyzed group of countries. The empirical findings support the economic convergence hypothesis. The results show that the recent financial crisis negatively affected the absolute and conditional convergence process, when economic variables are included in the analysis. The negative effects of the crisis on conditional convergence with economic and socio-political variables are not identified. The poorer countries in the analyzed group should do more to attract investment and open their economies, as gross fixed capital formation and economic openness have a positive impact on per capita growth, and keep low inflation or stabilize it, while general government debt and unemployment should be decreased in the examined sample of countries.


The transformational 1990s significantly differentiated the regional model of Ukraine, which eventually began to resemble a system of uncontrolled chronic economic decline, as the existing planning and regulatory methods had become redundant, the market-based approaches being not actualized. The methodological vacuum in which Ukraine found itself did not allow regions to solve the existing problems by means of European economic convergence instruments. Despite the fact that more and more theories and concepts appeared in the leading developed countries (regional competitiveness, city- region, beautiful places, creative city, localization, etc.), national science used outdated ideas of planned regulation, inappropriate in market economy. The effect of government policies resembled core measures of the neoliberal model, while maintaining a high degree of administrative centralization.

FDI inflow fundamentally altered the regional landscape. The leading position in accumulating the FDI stock belonged to Kyiv, which also produced the largest per capita GDP. In the last five years a revival of innovation activity took place in the Ukrainian regions. Eventually it obtained an undulating character, moving basically along two axes: Lviv-Kviv and Kyiv-Kharkiv. However, low FDI level in the worst performing regions could create an erroneous impression about the positive impact of FDI on regional economy.

A region's development trajectory> might also be affected by the mentality of its inhabitants, as well as the media, whose impact can convey either a cohesive or disintegrating character. This was evidenced by the recent events in Ukraine, as well as the "East versus West” confrontation, which resulted in frustration, whereas the lack of tolerance among the population of certain regions provoked the bloodshed. Thus, identification of methodological background of post-Soviet regionalism on the example of Ukraine is an important scientific task, which may explain the essence of regional asymmetries in the post-Soviet states.

. Kauliņš. 2010. Vides komunikācija un vides politikas integrācijai. Rīga: REC Latvia. Lin, B. and X. Li. 2011. “Th e Eff ect of Carbon Tax on per Capita CO2 Emissions.” Energy Policy 39, 5137 - 5146. Loganathan, N., M. Shahbaz and R. Taha. 2014. “Th e Link between Green Taxation and Economic Growth on CO2 Emissions: Fresh Evidence from Malaysia.” Renewable and Sustainable Energy Reviews 38, 1083 - 1091. Markandya, A. 2005. Environmental Fiscal Reform: What Should be Done and How to Achieve It. Washington, DC: World Bank. Metcalf, G. E. and D. Weisbach. 2009. “Th e Design

Beyond , Development Committee, 19 April. Retrieved from [accessed 20 Dec 2018] The World Bank (2011), IDA: Delivering Development Results , 15 February. Retrieved from [accessed 20 Dec 2018] The World Bank (2015), ‘Countries ranked by per capita income,’ The World Bank Operational Manual , Operational Policies, 3.10, Annex C, July. Retrieved from http

) GNI per capita (World bank data 2015), US$ HDI rank- ing 2014 Bangladesh 1971 160 996 147 570 1 103,59 24,3 1 080 0,558 Bhutan *1949 775 38 394 19,90 26,2 2 390 0,584 India 1947 1 311 051 3 166 414 388,22 27,0 1 570 0,586 Maldives 1965 364 300 1 065 27,1 7 170 0,698 Nepal *1950 28 514 147 181 180 22,9 730 0,540 Pakistan 1947 188 925 881 912 237,25 22,6 1 410 0,537 Sri Lanka 1948 20 715 65 610 309 31,8 3 400 0,750 * Bhutan and Nepal exist as independent states since very long time. In their case, the dates signify the year when bilateral treaties with India

. and how should these zones be conceptualized.12 The article follows the three- zone model offered by Wallerstein (core, periphery and semi-periphery). 1.1. Geoeconomic Zones The most economically powerful countries with the highest gross do- mestic product (GDP) per capita in the world, the top living standards and the most skilled workforce are the core. These countries have the most capital, since they manufacture and export the most technologically advanced (high- tech) industrial products that are highly competitive in international markets. Since these

National Product, the Gross Domestic Product, and the per capita income. One would argue that a “small state” could also mean that a particular state is smaller than most of its neighbors or it is smaller than the regional average, and the direct outcome of it would be the feeling of disadvantage in terms of national power and self- assertion. “Small states” would definitely have very limited tools of political, economic and military power, as well as smaller and less expert political and military leadership. Perhaps, one would assume that the key feature that

cannot be high in a country with $12 880 annual GDP per capita in 2009 (according to the World Bank Database). With a low (30 per cent) share of private sector in GDP (EBRD, 2009)29, corporate donations and philanthropy could only be miserable. Thus, the third sector organizations highly depend on external (state or interna- tional) financing, which is closely monitored by the government officials. In such circumstances, in Belarus many social organizations cluster in the liberal pattern (see Figure 1 above) and, in exchange for liberty and autonomy of their

States: A Study of the Small Power in International Relations. Oxford: Clarendon Press. 28 May 2014) (accessed 29 September 2014),_consumption_per_capita_and_price_level_indices#Further_Eurostat_information (accessed 29 September 2014) http