phenomena as well as economic and social processes occurring in the contemporary world ( Jacobs 1961 ; Turok & McGranahan 2013 ; Dijkstra, Garcilazo & McCann 2013 ; Colenbrander 2016 ). They lead the way in development, but they also deal with many problems. This attitude was at least the basis for adopting an urban policy and determining its principal aims, tasks and strategies by the EuropeanUnion ( European Commission [EC] 2007; EC 2008, Parysek 2010a , 2010b; EuropeanUnion [EU] 2011; Parysek 2013 ; EU 2015; EC 2016).
Polish cities and changes occurring
wider literatures on transitions, post-colonialism and post-socialism with more specific literatures on city-region governance and on the particularities of national and sub-national contexts.
There is an established literature on regime transition, which began in the 1980s as a hopeful response to processes of democratisation across many parts of the world,
including in Eastern Europe, Latin America and Africa. The seminal work in the field was the 1986 Transitions from Authoritarian Rule by G. O’Donnell & P. Schmitter (1986) . The work did
last few years met with an unstable banking system, the growth of fiscal deficit, public debt, and unemployment. To tackle this situation, the EuropeanUnion pressured the Portuguese government to adopt austerity measures, which were eventually agreed with the Troika (International Monetary Fund, European Central Bank, and European Commission) in 2011 under the requirement of a €78 billion bailout package ( Caldas 2012 ; OECD 2015 ). The main goal of the Memorandum of Understanding on Specific Economic Conditionality (MoU) between Portugal and the Troika was to
noticeable in the period after 2004, when Poland joined the EuropeanUnion (EU). In this regard, immediately after the establishment of the new system, it was important to draw a clear difference from the old one. This battle had to be conducted at every possible level. It is precisely some of these consequences, which entail radical cuts with the past and interventions over material cultural heritage or are related to the changing relationship between private and public ownership, planned and investor’s urbanism, which are important for understanding the phenomenon of
, while A. Roy (2010) takes up the charge slightly differently, studying the poor and the powerless through World Bank agents that manage poverty and their associated circuits of profit and investment. Similarly, N. Theodore and J. Peck’s (2011) study the OECD and its role as a selector and disseminator of neoliberalism and E. Rapoport (2015) presents exploration of the global intelligence corps, an elite group of international architects, engineers and planners based in Europe and North America shuttling notions of sustainable urbanism around the globe. Taking our
, coinciding with Poland’s accession to the EuropeanUnion (EU). This does not mean, however, that Poland’s interest in revitalization policies was mainly cynical and related to structural funds: the word ‘revitalization’ was harnessed as a strategic tool to respond to a real need. By the time of EU accession, Polish urban experts and grassroots urban activist had come to acknowledge that the laissez faire approach to urban development which characterized the first 15 years of Poland’s transition to capitalism had led to feelings of spatial alienation and an overall urban
forces of national economic development.
One of the objectives of Poland’s accession to the EuropeanUnion was to accelerate modernisation and development processes nationally, regionally and locally. Cohesion policy measures provide a way to support these modernisation processes, and cities, especially those that should function as “development locomotives”, play a particular role in this regard.
The study aims to assess the importance of EU cohesion policy funds for urban development in Poland. The article uses cities with poviat status, which are a special kind
documents of a strategic nature, developed and approved by the EuropeanUnion. In 2013 a document was approved, which is entitled the EU Strategy on Adaptation to Climate Change ( EC 2013 ), which identifies the main challenges related to climate change, and which shows EU member states the directions to follow in the development of their own policies, aimed at strengthening their resistance to such change. That document indicates – among other things – the necessity of taking adaptation measures, initially in cities, as areas particularly sensitive to climate
guaranteed by the public sector, temporarily devote their real-estate to social purposes in line with the principles regulating the public housing sector (rent control, tenants from waiting lists etc.). Businesses are encouraged to get involved in social housing through different types of grants, favourable fiscal treatment, as well as administrative and legal incentives. The effects of cooperation between the public and private sectors in the EuropeanUnion are e.g. sharing land allocated for construction purposes, developing a common infrastructure network, making in
projects including bottom-up and co-design initiatives (urban quarters in Wrzeszcz, Gdańsk Główny or the first one of the initiatives of this kind in Orunia). Urban regeneration projects for entire districts are municipality-led projects co-financed by the instruments of the EuropeanUnion Cohesion Policy instruments. At the same time there are some private sector-driven or PPP large scale projects such as the mixed-use project in the area of an old garrison in Gdańsk (with a strong focus on civic space and cultural activities) or the urban regeneration of the central