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Contemporary Religiosity and the Absence of Solidarity With Those in Need

under the age of 18 years. Eight million of them come from Syria and Afghanistan. The vast majority of refugees, according to the statistics – 86% – live in developing regions See (accessed 2/6/2018); (accessed 2/6/2018). ; hence, Europe is faced only with a small percentage of those in urgent need. And yet it has shown itself unable to find a common approach to help that would come out of the values on which the European Union is based

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Desperately Seeking Understanding: A New Perspective on Multiculturalism

, rejecting universalistic utopias and turning to their own historical “roots”. Economic globalism and political integration are confronted by cultural separatism, which becomes critical when we come to specific issues swamping Western Europe. One of the issues is the growing presence of Muslims in the European Union (EU). The Summer School on Nationalism, Religion, and Violence in Europe (conducted in Prague between June 18 and 29, 2018) illustrated some concerns about the situation through different presentations and remarkable questions that the participants directed

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Islamophobia Without Muslims? The “Contact Hypothesis” as an Explanation for Anti-Muslim Attitudes – Eastern European Societies in a Comparative Perspective

support for a Muslim ban. The scatterplot reveals eye-catching evidence for the phenomenon of ‘ Islamophobia without Muslims ’. At this point, it is important to acknowledge that the ESS (2014) has not been carried out in all member states of the European Union. Furthermore, it does not allow representative statements about Eastern Europe as the respective round of the ESS (2014) only contains six Eastern European societies. Figure 1 The effect of the factual presence of Muslim minorities in European societies on the average support for a Muslim ban Source

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“This is a Controlled Invasion”: The Czech President Miloš Zeman’s Populist Perception of Islam and Immigration as Security Threats

; Novotný 2017 ; Stulík 2016 ); and the level of individuals (e.g., Hawkins 2009 ). In all these forms of populism, a concept that is markedly dealt with is that of the endangerment of “pure people” by variously defined enemies, who can be corrupt elites ( Wolkenstein 2016 ), the European Union, nongovernmental organizations (NGOs), or immigrants (cf. Antal 2017 ). In this text, we focus on the ways in which Czech President Miloš Zeman uses the term security (and other related terms; see following sections), which leads to the creation of a populist framing of the

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Not All the Past Needs To Be Used: Features of Fidesz’s Politics of Memory

term (Balogh 2016) . The electoral gains were repeated in 2014, when the ruling coalition got 66,83% of the seats (44,87% of the votes) ( National Election Office 2014 ) under a reformed electoral system. These numbers have supplied Viktor Orbán’s party with enough popular legitimacy to undertake ambitious structural reforms, which also entailed constitutional changes. Second, whereas the first Fidesz’s administration ruled during the pre-accession period and consequently had to fulfill the strict criteria required by the European Union, the party’s second

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Language Differentiation of Ukraine’s Population

economy and social well-being of Donbas”. Journal of Life Economics 3(3): 27–38. Ramos F.R. Francisco Kovalenko Olena 2016 “Implications of the war on the economy and social well-being of Donbas” Journal of Life Economics 3 3 27 38 Riegl, Martin, and Vaško, Tomáš. 2007. „Comparison of language policies in the post-Soviet Union countries on the European continent”. The Annual of Language & Politics and Politics of Identity I: 47–78. Riegl Martin Vaško Tomáš 2007 „Comparison of language policies in the post-Soviet Union countries on the European continent” The

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Divided National Identity in Moldova

indoctrination about a specific Moldavian identity, the language was forced upon the local Romanian population. Comparison of Romanian and Moldavian languages Romanian Moldavian Moldavian in Cyrillic English În în ын In Mic mik мик Small Limba limba лимбa Language The fall of the communist regimes in Eastern Europe and the countries of the former Soviet Union brought about the resurrection of national selfconsciousness, which had seemed lost during the reign of the Soviet regime. The process of national

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A Bridge to the Past: Public Memory and Nostalgia for the Communist Times in Modern Georgia

independence from the USSR, its constituent republics in the first place started to reconstruct narratives about their past and separate themselves from mythologies provided by the Soviet Union. Different countries had done this at different moments of time. For example, Latvia, Estonia, and Lithuania had done this almost immediately after the dissolution of the USSR, Belarus had not done this till today, and Ukraine ( Shevel 2009 ) and Georgia have done this more than a decade after the dissolution of the USSR, when their political courses shifted. Post

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Shadow Memorial Diplomacy: The Ronald Reagan Centennial Year in Central and Eastern Europe

his relationship with the Hungarians exiled by communism to the United States, the KDNP launched a fundraising drive for a Reagan statue in Budapest, “which will be for us a guide post about the values derived from universal human rights and liberty, the values of our Christian Democratic politicians, and since the unveiling of the statue will take place on the last day of the Hungarian presidency of the European Union, it will give European cooperation an Atlantic dimension as well” (U.S. Embassy Budapest videos July 1, 2011). The tearing down of walls was a

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Anti-Islamism without Moslems: Cognitive Frames of Czech Antimigrant Politics

the period January–October. Source: CZSO 2015 , 11. We can hardly call these data dramatic. Moreover, in the entire period in question, the highest number of successful asylum seekers were the citizens of Ukraine, Russia, or Vietnam ( CZSO 2015 , 11), countries with a long-term tradition of working migration to the Czech Republic. Taken from any point of view, one cannot rationally expect that the migrant crisis would grow to become one of the most prominent issues of Czech politics and party politics, reaching far behind the European Union (EU

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