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Shadow Memorial Diplomacy: The Ronald Reagan Centennial Year in Central and Eastern Europe

), the Ronald Reagan Centennial celebrations were used to shore up the American alliance in Central and Eastern Europe. Unlike that display, the Centennial was not driven by current U.S. government officials, and it articulated responses to threats beyond terrorism. Ostensibly a year’s worth of programming to celebrate the 100th anniversary of Reagan’s birth in 2011, the Centennial’s message was a transatlantic call for standing firm against not only terrorism but also Russian encroachment on the region. This article argues that because of the status of its drivers and

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Contemporary Religiosity and the Absence of Solidarity With Those in Need

-asia/poland/report-poland/ (accessed 2/6/2018). While at first glance, the religious affiliation of the population of the four countries differs dramatically, ranging from those characterized as predominantly religious (Poland and Slovakia) to those understood as secular (the Czech Republic and Hungary), See, for example, “Religious Belief and National Belonging in Central and Eastern Europe,” Pew Research Centre, 10 May 2017, http://www.pewforum.org/2017/05/10/religious-affiliation/ (accessed 4/6/2018). the political rhetoric “justifying” the fears frequently includes a claim to be upholding

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The Challenge of Postsecularism

, Religion and Culture in Postsecular Society (Faenza, 13-14 May 2011)”, PECOB—Portal of East Central and Balkan Europe . http://www.pecob.eu/flex/cm/pages/ServeAttachment.php/L/EN/D/7%252Fd%252F1%252FD.1f1f8fddc2dd41df40ac/P/BLOB%3AID%3D3100 Stoeckl Kristina. 2011 Working paper “Defining the Postsecular.” In Document Collection of the Italian-Russian Workshop “Politics, Religion and Culture in Postsecular Society (Faenza, 13-14 May 2011)”, PECOB—Portal of East Central and Balkan Europe http://www.pecob.eu/flex/cm/pages/ServeAttachment.php/L/EN/D/7%252Fd%252F1

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Secular Formatting of the Sacred
Human Rights and the Question of Secularization and Re-Sacralization

coined by Max Weber and used in order to describe a long historical development toward a more natural and secular understanding of the world, from the prophets of the Old Testament up to the modern critique of religion. However, Joas takes issue with the description of a one-way development toward a secular modern world, when it comes to religion as well as politics. On the one hand, Europe has seen a significant decrease in religious observance (often referred to as “secularization”), but morality has not collapsed although Christianity lost influence and authority

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Interreligious Learning, Ricoeur, and the Problem of Testimonial and Hermeneutical Injustice

missionaries activities in non-European areas. He points out how “charges of religious cannibalism, idolatry, and gross materiality traveled back and forth across the seas, with traders, soldiers, and missionaries” ( Orsi 2016 , 33). Over time, this fault line between Protestants and Catholics would also “run through the nascent field of the academic study of religion,” which basically took over this normative framework and set up binary structures between ‘us’ and ‘them’. According to Orsi, fear of religion as fanatic has been central to the “academic installation of

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Pluralism and Conflict: The Debate about “Russian Values” and Politics of Identity

should be emphasized that pluralism and conflict constitute the very keynote of Russian history. To use Norbert Elias’ terms, the civilizing process did not take place in Russia the way it did in Europe. Let us remind that according to the prominent sociologist Norbert Elias, the process of civilization in Europe was conducive to the formation of the social stratum of courtiers, within which new demands of self-control and constraining one’s emotions were imposed, while the thresholds of shame were raised ( Elias 1994 , 493). External restraints were interiorized and

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Editorial: Reflections on Islamophobia in Central and Eastern Europe

exceptional” ( Kaya 2015 , 452). This is debatable or even disputable for western scholars, however, his criticism can be fully applied to the scarce number of academic works on Islamophobia issued so far in Central and Eastern Europe (CEE). * * * As for the CEE context, apart from Russia, post-Soviet areas and the Balkans, there was scarce evidence of scholarly interest and literature on Islamophobia there until recently. Ivan Kalmar commented on the very recent situation as follows: Although the severity of the Islamophobia evidenced in the response of the political

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Islamophobia Without Muslims? The “Contact Hypothesis” as an Explanation for Anti-Muslim Attitudes – Eastern European Societies in a Comparative Perspective

Introduction: Islamophobia in Eastern Europe? A specter is haunting Europe – the specter of Islamophobia. At this point, the historically informed reader might question the newsworthiness of our initial statement. Unease, reservation, and even fear and hatred against Islam and Muslims have a long tradition in Europe ( Benz 2017 ). Since Edward Said’s (1978) seminal study on ‘Orientalism’, it is a commonplace to acknowledge that the West has associated Islam with negative images and stereotypes for hundreds of years. The essential novelty of Europe’s old

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Not All the Past Needs To Be Used: Features of Fidesz’s Politics of Memory

construction.” Personal Skype interview with Gábor Egry, historian, conducted in March 2017. Thus, to reach a better future, it was enough to manage and supervise the smooth return to the West, embodied by the long sought membership in its institutions, the EU and NATO. As the economist János Kornai puts it, “In every respect, Central Eastern Europe tried to assimilate Western examples” (2006, 25). Since their first steps in the Hungarian pluralist regime, Fidesz and its charismatic leader Viktor Orbán adhered to a substantially different interpretation of history. They

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