The relationship between urban form and travel patterns has been a significant research topic in urban studies (see e.g. Stead & Marshall 2001 ). Research that examines the relationship between urban spatial structure and commuting patterns has gained importance in Latvia ( Krisjane & Berzins 2009 ; Krisjane et al. 2012 ). Since the collapse of socialism, the most eye-catching processes in urban spatial structure across CentralandEasternEurope are related to suburban development ( Boren & Gentile 2007 ; Tammaru & Kontuly 2011 ; Tammaru
Villa 2015 ). Cities, unlike the central authority, have real, face-to-face contact with their citizens. Yet these citizens have certain expectations towards the city; expectation of security, respect for their ownership, the desire to exercise their rights and have possibilities to develop as people ( Patiño Villa 2015 ). Meeting these basic needs in Latin-American cities, with their complex socio-spatial patchwork and additional issues with delinquency and crime, is a real challenge. Can smart technologies help?
Methodology and setting
The present article’s key
form ( Leśniakowska 2000 ; Zieliński 2009 ; Sudjic 2015 ).
Concept and methodology
The main aim of this article is to present the impact of the communist regime on central spaces in several EasternEuropean cities. We tried to shed some light on the urban and architectural tools with which the space of political power was shaped.
As for the research methodology, initially we defined the political power and ideology. Later on these were applied with reference to styles in architecture and urban planning. The next stage consists of analysis of history and
recognised under successive political documents of the European Union. The EU strategy papers quite often note that the proper functioning of cities and metropolises is the key to achieving spatial cohesion, enhancing competitiveness, as well as promoting sustainable development, and creating the proper structure of the European Union’s settlement system ( ESDP 1999 ; European Union 2010 ). Moreover, in recent years, various member states as well as the European Commission started to acknowledge the importance of focusing on urban areas as a central element of national
groups etc.) and only accounted for a relatively small share of housing stock, in CentralandEasternEuropean (socialist) countries the HEs provided, if not the dominant, then at least a substantial share of housing opportunities and became homes for a much broader social spectrum of inhabitants (see e.g. van Kempen et al. 2005 ; Szafrańska 2015 ; Gorczyca 2016 ). In other words, living in HEs, especially those built by panel technologies, became a “normal” standard of living in CEE countries during the socialist era. For instance, as E. Kallabová (2004) puts it
growing metropolitan aspirations and a rise in the perception of the role of culture and creativity as the leading drivers of socio–economic change.
Although the specific conditions for the development of CEE cities are widely acknowledged in urban studies ( Sýkora & Bouzarovski 2012 ; Golubchikov, Badyina & Makhrova 2014 ) in contrast to Western Europe (WE), research on urban regeneration by flagship projects in the post-socialist context of CentralandEasternEurope (CEE) has not received much attention so far. M. Feldman (2000) discusses the unique settings of
At least since the emergence of the modern welfare state model, targeting local problems through spatially focused interventions became an essential part of political agendas in the developed world ( van Gent, Musterd & Ostendorf 2009 ). More recently, interest in urban policies has also been on the rise in other parts of the world, including in particular the post-socialist countries of CentralandEasternEurope. In Poland, for instance, numerous regeneration projects flourished following accession to the European Union and an initiative
Marta Borowska-Stefańska, Szymon Wiśniewski and Klaudia Modrzejewska
Alonso, W. (1964) Location and land use. Toward a general theory of land rent , Harvard University Press, Cambridge. Alonso W. 1964 Location and land use Toward a general theory of land rent Harvard University Press Cambridge
Anas, A., Arnott, R. & Small, K. A. (1998) Urban spatial structure , Journal of Economic Literature, 36 (3), 1426–1464. Anas A. Arnott R. Small K. A. 1998 Urban spatial structure Journal of Economic Literature 36 3 1426 1464
Bertaud, A. (2006) The spatial structures of CentralandEasternEuropean cities [in:] S. Tsenkova
& López-Morales 2016 ), but we can also look at the state-led gentrification of gecekondus in Istanbul, Turkey (see İslam & Sakızlıoğlu 2015 ) or the Eko Atlantic development in Lagos, Nigeria ( Lees, Shin & López-Morales 2016 : 17).
Gentrification in post-socialist cities
Discussions of gentrification in post-socialist cities began to emerge with the fall of repressive state-socialist regimes in the Soviet Union andEasternEurope in the 1990s, as market forces began to transform cities. However, gentrification in post-socialist cities was usually seen as
Case studies of the Paris Rive Gauche and the New Centre of Lodz
Monika Maria Cysek-Pawlak
streets and density of development, but the style of individual buildings now follows the aesthetics of modern architecture.
Drawings of NCL elaborated by Rob Krier, 2007
Source: draft drawings. Courtesy of the author
The NCL project is now well underway. One of its central elements, a new multimodal railway station, is already operational. Capable of serving 200,000 passengers a day, the station is one of the most efficient transport hubs in this part of Europe. Other major structures in the NCL area, one of which is the City Gate building