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This article aims to describe the development process of superior responsibility doctrine at the Extraordinary Chambers in the Courts of Cambodia. Superior responsibility is contained in all Statutes of ad hoc tribunals and also the Rome Statute. However, the case of ECCC is distinctive for its special structure and applicable law. As such, the ECCC is being often called ‘hybrid’, court. This Article aims to analyse travaux préparatoires to the ECCC Statute and ECCC Statute itself when it comes to superior responsibility. This analysis will be followed by the ECCC case law. In 2019, the closure of ECCC is anticipated. As such, the first complex analysis on superior responsibility and its applicability by the ECCC is appropriate and can be used as guidance for other already established or future hybrid tribunals. To some extent, the findings can also be used for the application of superior responsibility by the ICC.
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The New Partnership for Africa’s Development is the latest in a long line of initiatives or framework intended by African leaders to place African continent on a path of growth and sustainable development. The development challenges that face Africa are enormous and varied. Th e crisis of political instability, bad governance, lack of peace and security, poverty and diseases like HIV/AIDs. NEPAD recognized peace and security as condition for good governance and sustainable development. Therefore, in absence of peace and security, democracy and good governance cannot strive and where there is no good governance, we cannot witness sustainable development. This paper argues that peace and security has been elusive in much of Africa. The failure of the Organisation of African Unity to ensure peace and security in Africa and to address Africa’s post-cold war legion of challenges, the successor organisation, the African Union and its attendant development programme, the NEPAD were established. The first issue which is critical to NEPAD is, solving armed conflict and civil unrest on the continent. Currently, twenty percent of the people of Africa are living in condition of conflict. These conditions cause terrible suffering and hold back economic development in the affected countries. The extent of conflict is so great that the whole continent is affected and this creates a major barrier to inward investment. On the resolution, NEPAD is in a position to make considerable progress. It was learnt in Sierra Lone that with concentrated international eff ort, conflict can be successfully ended and institutions of a properly functioning state can begin to be rebuilt. The paper therefore examines the origin of the NEPAD, NEPAD and challenges of peace and security in Africa and involvement of AU/NEPAD in Darfur and Cote D’Ivoire crises. It further discusses the AU/NEPAD conflict mechanisms for conflict prevention, management and resolution and draw conclusion.
This article examines the relationship between Politics and Law in U.S. Supreme Court decision-making. It argues that three major developments in recent decades have combined to undermine the Court’s status as a legal and judicial institution, and instead define it as political actor, motivated by ideology and the personal policy predilections of the Court’s Justices. The first of these elements is the increasingly political and partisan nature of the Supreme Court appointment process, as witnessed by the recent Gorsuch and Kavanaugh nominations. The behaviour of the President and Senators in these controversial appointments conclusively demonstrates that the country’s leading politicians view the Court as primarily a political body rather than a legal one. The second element of the assault on the Court’s status as a judicial institution is the rise in influence of the behaviouralist school of Supreme Court analysis. Beginning with the work of academics such as Glendon Schubert, the behaviouralists employed new methods and theories in an attempt to debunk the Legal Model of Supreme Court decision-making and to replace it with what is known today as the Attitudinal Model. It forcibly argues that Supreme Court Justices are political in intent and decision, with legal language and arguments being no more than judicial camouflage to disguise their true nature. This applies equally to both conservative and liberal justices. The article identifies the third element of the assault on the status of the Court as a legal institution as coming from Originalist scholars, activists and judges who accuse liberal Justices of having abandoned traditional interpretive methods in favour of redefining the language of the Constitution to suit their progressive political agenda. Originalists acknowledge that their own interpretive methods may lead to results deemed unacceptable to contemporary Americans, but argue that it the duty of the political branches of government, not the courts, to modernise policy and practice. This article concludes that while Originalism has genuine appeal as a theory of interpretation, it is nevertheless both impractical and undesirable. Moreover, rather than returning the Court to the Legal Model, the Originalist campaign has only served to persuade many that the Attitudinal Model is an accurate one. However, the article also argues that the break with Originalism by the Warren Court over segregation has developed into a wholesale change in the Court’s role in American government, one that ill-becomes the unelected judiciary in a representative democracy. It is argued here that the best way to restore the legal and judicial identity of the Court would be a return to the emphasis on ‘judicial role’, once championed by great jurists such as Learned Hand, Oliver Wendell Holmes, Louis Brandeis and John Harlan II. Judicial modesty and restraint would distinguish the Court from the political branches of American government. The Court should decide less and only where the case for a decision of unconstitutionality is very clear and very compelling.
structure, decisions practically handled themselves”: that is, human agency, along with many of the very structures of narrative and biography and the human life cycle, recede or even disappear into impersonal discourse, and the recycling and inhuman cadences of corporate life cycles. Id . at 288. Such fictions narrativize not just an invisible hand, but the development of an entire corpus that is non-existent; in other words, we are left with decisions without decision-makers, shadows without casters, impersonators without persons.
Beginning with their Hobbesian
-judicial-picks-have-become-more-contentious-and-trumps-are-no-exception/ The relative speed at which President Trump has had his nominees appointed brings joy to those of his supporters who monitor such developments, which is reinforced at the relative youth of the nominees, whose average age is forty nine. Russell Wheeler, Judicial Nominations in the Bush and Obama Administrations’ First Nine Months , Brookings Institute , (Oct. 23 2009), https://www.brookings.edu/research/judicial-nominations-in-the-bush-and-obama-administrations-first-nine-months In addition, Trump has availed of the opportunity to move the courts to the
Science and The Evaluation of Forensic DNA Evidence to inform their evolving approach to DNA evidence in criminal cases. In California, the 1992 case of People v. Barney (8 Cal.App.4th 798 (Cal. Ct. App. 1992)) became the leading case for determining the admissibility of DNA evidence using the ceiling principle under the Kelly admissibility standard, with subsequent cases using Barney as a starting point whilst incorporating technological developments. For example, People v. Venegas (18 Cal.4th 47 (Cal. 1998)) confirmed the admissibility of the product rule