This contribution investigates the role of emotions for the administration of indigenous people in the Latin American periphery, considered “barbarians” by colonial and republican officials. Drawing on case studies from Northwest Mexico and the Southern Cone, the article examines the Spanish-European self-image as “people of reason” vis-á-vis indigenous “people without reason” or “people of custom”. The concept of trust is employed to explore the boundaries and overlappings between emotion and rationality in interethnic relations during colonial and republican times. Giving examples from archival material such as letters and reports of state agents, this paper concludes that there was no monopoly on rationality, as claimed by the public officials, but always a possibility to establish trusting relationships between indigenous groups and state society.
From the very beginning, Habsburgian literature was closely tied to the Empire’s »bureaucracy« – both to the administrative apparatus and to the class of officials who claimed this title as their own. The fact that numerous authors were recruited from this class may well have helped to create the »Habsburg myth«: the literary romanticisation of bureaucrats as loyal to the Emperor and as cultural pillars of a variegated empire that never accomplished to be a state in the modern sense. However, a real tie-up between the citizens and the bureaucracy, for which proof can be found still today and which is referred to as the »Habsburg effect«, is likely to have arisen due to the welfare state set up in the latter years of the Danube monarchy. Franz Kafka played a part in this. In addition to his articles and talks for the »Workmen’s Accident Insurance Bureau«, his literary texts also showed Kafka to be an analyst and reformer of both the old and new bureaucracy. Far from being mutually exclusive, his official duties and his writing constituted two aspects of one and the same enterprise: Kafka sought to free bureaucracy from the old Habsburg mythology; to repurpose it informally into an arbitrator in the class war and the conflict of nations; to give those it served a greater involvement in its workings; and to test the scope of a future bureaucracy that would be permanently reformed and ultimately indistinguishable from the social life. Kafka’s tales thus contain unique accounts of the Habsburg bureaucracy and of the myths and effects peculiar to it, for they keep the minutes of Habsburgian administration, while oscillating between the perspective of officialdom and that of an increasingly »colonised environment«.
, Minneapolis, Minnesota 2016, pp. 251–266. Much more so, it can be claimed that the complaints served the ritual, as petitions are ritualized cries and are subject to a bureaucratic management of emotions. The petitioning language distances itself over and over again from linguistic regimentation when scenes of suffering are drastically depicted and the petition collides with the administrative style (Latin: stilus curiae ). This is connected to the overemotionalization of the language which, even if it submits to the power over writing and adapts mimetically to the
advancement of crafts and the agricultural council provided the means for vocational training courses in the form of teaching staff, rooms and instructional material. See for example: NAP (Národní archiv [Praha]), MVP-R (Ministerstvo veřejných prací – Rakousko), Kt. 1043, 37628/1916 Periodischer Bericht in Angelegenheit der Invalidenschulen.
From the start, the medical practitioners and professionals claiming authority to determine the occupational future of disabled soldiers were confronted with disabled veterans’ different opinions about the purpose of re
: Josephinische Mandarine, pp. 131–148. and the difficult social standing at the lower echelons of the organisation resulted in the presence of office holders whose claim to respect was based exclusively on their position in the public administration, as they lacked social background,
family ties, economic means and education. To complicate this relationship between state officials and citizens even further, contemporary commentators did not view the bureaucratisation of the state that was generating all these jobs with unadulterated enthusiasm. They regularly pointed out
that is also favored in some of Pitt-Rivers’ work: »honor has at least three layers: a person’s own feeling of self-worth, this person’s assessment of his or her worth in the eyes of others, and the actual opinion of others about her or him«. Pieter Spierenburg: »Masculinity, Violence, and Honor. An Introduction«, in: Pieter Spierenburg (ed.): Men and Violence. Gender, Honor, and Rituals in Modern Europe and America, Columbus, OH 1998, pp. 1–36, at p. 2. Henderson concludes that honor is a »claim-right«, that is, the right of a bearer, who has certain qualities
compass , fix one point in the north of Italy , at Parma , and the other at the mouth of the Varo , and trace a semicircle towards the Alps. When you have made a semicircle , the point that falls at the mouth of the Isonzo will have completed the frontier that God gave Italy. Up to that frontier the Italian language is spoken and understood; beyond it , you have no claim . Giuseppe Mazzini: »Dei doveri delľuomo« , in: Giuseppe Mazzini: Scritti politici, ed. Terenzio Grandi / Augusto Comba, Torino 2011, p. 894–895: »In altre terre segnate con limiti più
Stefan Couperus, Harm Kaal, Nico Randeraad and Paul van Trigt
national and local government, but also available to societal actors in general. The distribution of religious denominations produced another important geography that provincial government needed to take into account. For many centuries Protestantism and Catholicism have been equally strong in South Holland. Towards the end of the 19th century, when the franchise was expanded, religious convictions became the cornerstone of two new political parties, which – together with the Social Democrats – claimed a place in the political arena. The emergence of these political
at the intersection of several specialties, such as the history of political thought, the history of administrative institutions and practices, and social and personnel history. Ibidem, p. 51–52. This fragmentation of history into several disciplines, the monopoly that their respective specialists claim over them, and, as a result, the difficulty historians have in moving with the same ease in each of them, make the study of administrative history more difficult than other subjects that are made up of a single discipline.
Because archival research is so
The French Consulate in Salonica in the 19th Century
formal claim to a unified legal space for its citizens extending even beyond the physical space of its territory, while actually allowing the persistence of exceptions to the application of its laws. From the central government’s point of view, what was important was that the special spaces created by this arrangement were not simply external to France, but were in a sense enclaves within its claimed legal space. In the local administrative reality of the consulates, however, the spaces in which they operated were hybrid or blended spaces, created by the