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This article tries to pursue three goals: first, how can a hard-to-define cultural concept such as tolerance in society be measured? Second, is it possible to draw conclusions about the tolerance level of a nation on the basis of an analysis of web search behaviour? And third, is there a relationship between the tolerance level in East Asian societies and their ability to attract highly qualified knowledge workers? Taking as its starting point Richard Florida’s claim that a high tolerance level in society represents an essential pull factor for attracting the most sought-after people in the world, this article analyses and interprets web search behaviour among Google users residing in Japan, Korea and China in order to identify issues related to tolerance in East Asia.
As the mainstream ideology, Confucian harmony deeply influences ways of thinking and social life in the East. Contemporary China has experienced quite a radical change since the Xīnhài Revolution in 1911. It also marked the re-examination of Confucianism, i.e. the development of New Confucianism. New Confucianism needs to encourage China to fit the modern and global context. Therefore, the revival of Confucian harmony must remake itself to fit the modern world. A certain degree of convergence between Confucian harmony and liberalism, the mainstream ideology in the West, is necessary. Personal improvement is a hotly disputed idea among Chinese Confucians and Western liberals because transformation of public ethics is closely related to transformations of the self. This paper argues the importance of integration between harmony and liberalism. What is important is to explore how each tradition can shed light on theoretical and practical issues regarding harmony between the individual and the community, rather than individual sovereignty over communal claims in ideological studies.
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In a previous issue of this journal, Natasha Sumner of Harvard claimed of the Four Branches of the Mabinogi that the “exact date of composition for the text is not known”; she yet quoted Professor Catherine McKenna, also of Harvard, for the tales as certainly predating the Fall of Gwynedd in 1282. A response to Professor Sumner’s comment thus has three functions. It cites publications on the question from 1897 to 2018; reveals the scholarly disagreement therein; but concludes with evidence to put the tales in the 1120s or early 1130s.
The USA as a multinational country of immigrants is nevertheless a fertile ground for competing nationalist ideologies and the consequently competing myth-building that surrounds the construction of national identity. The myth of the 1776 Declaration of Independence as an important founding document for domestic politics in the United States continues to spread through popular culture and academic textbooks. The claim of the Jefferson’s Declaration as an aspirational founding document helped establish a myth supporting creedal nationalism, but obscures the arc of the ideological debate over national identity.
Jews have lived in Iraq and Kurdistan for thousands of years. The vision of the founding of the State of Israel and the emergence of the Nazi ideology in Europe caused that the participation of Jews in social and cultural life and contribution to the development of education and the economy in Iraq ceased to have meaning. The strong influence of Nazi and anti-Zionist ideology led to discrimination and persecution of the Jewish minority in this country. The effect of this was the establishment of laws in the 1950s, which in exchange for permission to travel to Israel deprived Jews of Iraqi citizenship. Nowadays, the legal situation in Iraq and Iraqi Kurdistan has changed aTher the overthrow of Saddam Hussein’s regime. Currently, Kurdish law allows the appointment of representatives of ethnic and religious minorities, the creation of a cultural centres and the reconstruction of important places of worship, as well as obtaining compensation for lost property as a result of repression of previous Iraqi governments. However, the Iraqi New Constitution of 2005 and the Act of 2006, superior to Kurdish law, provide the opportunity to return and regain citizenship to those who lost it, but the exception is Jews who renounced their citizenship on the basis of the 1950 and 1952 laws. Despite the still strong ties with Iraq and Arab culture, Jews, especially Israeli, are deprived of the opportunity to return, regain their citizenship and claim their right to lost property.
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The aim of this article is to analyze the independence activities undertaken by the Catalan government in the context of the brinkmanship strategy and the assumptions of game theory based on “the game of chicken”. It allows us to put the issue of Catalan’s claims in a different context than to refer to political, historical or cultural grounds for self-determination. By adopting this approach to the problem and putting it in the field of political competition at central and national level, it is possible to expose the elements that treat the whole problem as a political game, rather than a real endeavor to reach a consensus between the parties and finally solve the problem. In addition, from the point of view of party interests, it is beneficial that the problem of Catalan independence, absorbing much public attention, continues to function in the political sphere and in the consciousness of the people.