argues convincingly that the concept of disenchantment is used idiosyncratically by Weber and even more so by subsequent secularization theorists (e.g. Berger 1967; 1974). Hence, he claims that the concept is misleading and obfuscates the fact that there are various processes covered by the term, partly working in opposite directions:
In an incredibly suggestive way, Weber has combined events in the narrative of disenchantment that run from the prophets of the Old Testament via the Reformation and the Enlightenment up to the crisis of meaning in Europe during the so
://www.amnesty.org/en/countries/europe-and-central-asia/poland/report-poland/ (accessed 2/6/2018). While at first glance, the religious affiliation of the population of the four countries differs dramatically, ranging from those characterized as predominantly religious (Poland and Slovakia) to those understood as secular (the Czech Republic and Hungary), See, for example, “Religious Belief and National Belonging in Central and Eastern Europe,” Pew Research Centre, 10 May 2017, http://www.pewforum.org/2017/05/10/religious-affiliation/ (accessed 4/6/2018). the political rhetoric “justifying” the fears frequently includes a claim to be upholding
An important reason why the ethnic factor of socio-cultural diversity has become much more conflictual in recent years is that younger people with a non-Western cultural background raise their voices more often and louder than the older generation. Many of them have lived in the Netherlands for a long time or were even born there, and do not see this country as a host country ( Dagevos a.o. 2014 , 276f.). Hence, they want the Dutch, including the politicians, to understand that they wish to be considered as full members of Dutch society and claim the right to
This article explains the relationship between subsidiarity and legitimacy of policies designed at EU level. Through means of theoretically informed analysis this paper claims that if the principle of subsidiarity is respected and implemented throughout the policy process, EU policy-making can aspire to satisfy the condition of both input and output legitimacy. The empirical part of the paper shows how, through a subsidiarity control mechanism known as the Early Warning System, national parliaments can collectively fulfill representative and deliberative functions in EU policy-making. Conclusions about the changing dynamics in parliamentary modus operandi in the field of EU affairs lead to forming a set of recommendations for further research.
Terrorism is designed, as it has always been, to have profound psychological repercussions on a target audience and to undermine confidence in government and leadership. Nevertheless, after the 9/11 attacks, it is possible to claim that terrorism has changed and the European Union’s response, along with the world one, has also changed. By means of discursive analysis, this paper aims at exploring the complexity of the new threats that terrorism poses to the globalised world by combining 21st century technologies with the most extreme reading and vision of the clash of civilisation. The analysis will then proceed with an assessment of the change of approach that has guided EU action in the aftermath of 9/11 and with a critical examination of the issue of global actorness.
. (2014). ‘War with Isis: Islamic militants have army of 200,000, claims senior Kurdish leader’. The Independent [online]. Available at < http://www.independent.co.uk/news/world/middle-east/war-with-isis-islamic-militants-have-army-of-200000-claims-kurdish-leader-9863418.html > [Accessed on: May 29, 2017].
Cronogue G. (2012). ‘Responsibility to Protect: Syria The Law, Politics, and Future of Humanitarian Intervention post Libya’. Journal of International Humanitarian Legal Studies . Vol. 3, No. 1, 124–159.
Fryar G. (2013). The (air) power to coerce: the
the fact that the liberal model had finally turned out to be the most successful. The interrogation of the controversial events that occurred in the past was not required anymore. Gábor Egry identified this attitude as the “postmodern turn in historiography,” claiming that “some of the liberal politicians openly admitted that they understood history this way and, for example, they claimed that there was no need to establish the order dedicated to the memory of Imre Nagy, because there was no necessity to commemorate people, being history always just a human
it administers. In order to develop this inner, narrower constitutional identity of the nation, it was necessary to exercise the authority of the center of political action in respect of the lands that were perceived as Czech. In addition to the generally acknowledged superior empire center (Vienna), the idea of a lower-level authority, a semicentric entity, was being mooted. This position of a national semicenter was claimed by Prague. It was important for the prepolitical debate to determine which of the countries and regions of Prague would play the role of the
Source: Slovak Statistical Office (2016)
The migration/refugee crisis became part of the public and policy discourse, and this security pseudo-threat was the main topic during the pre-election and election campaigns. Viera Žúborová and Ingrid Borárosová claimed that the migration crisis entered the Slovak print media discourse in May 2015, i.e. less than one year before the
-Ukrainian population census of 2001, is given in Table 1 .
Distribution of the population of Ukraine by the native language, 2001
Claimed as the native language
Percentage in overall population