Search Results

1 - 10 of 13 items :

  • "argumentation" x
  • Sino-Tibetan Languages x
Clear All
Chinese Motion-Directional Construction: A Conceptual and Cognitive Analysis

. Fong, Ronald. 2015. A constructional-cognitive analysis of Chinese directionals. Cognitive Semantics 1(1). 104–130. Fong, Ronald. 2016. Chinese as satellite-framed: A constructional-cognitive interpretation. Cognitive Linguistic Studies 3(2). 233–258. Geuder, Wilhelm, and Matthias Weisgerer. 2008. Manner of movement and the conceptualization of force , slides, Journée d’étude ‘Il y a manière et manière’, Université d’Artois, Arras, France. Goldberg, Adele E. 1995. Constructions: A construction grammar approach to argument structure . Chicago

Open access
A Cartographic Analysis of the Syntactic Structure of Mandarin Ba

eurocentrism to sinocentrism: The case of disposal constructions in sinitic languages. Trends in linguistics Studies and Monographs 167. 441–486. Chappell, Hilary. 2007. Hanyu fangyan de chuzhi biaoji leixing [Typology of object marking constructions: a pan-Sinitic view]. Yuyanxue Luncong [Essays on linguistics] 36. 183–209. Cheng, Lisa Lai-Shen & James Huang. 1994. On the argument structure of resultative compounds. In Matthew Chen & Ovid Tzeng (eds.), In honor of William S-Y. Wang : Interdisciplinary studies on language and language chance , 187

Open access
Sluicing, Sprouting and Missing Objects

Abstract

Taking “sluicing” to be derived by movement + deletion, as represented by Merchant (2001), and “pseudo-sluicing” to be a base-generated structure [pro (+be) + wh] (going by Wei 2004; Adams 2004), this paper reviews arguments for and against the presence of a sluicing construction in Mandarin Chinese. We show that all the tests available in the literature do not argue against the presence of such a sluicing construction, except the test building on the distribution of the copula shi. Unfortunately, the shi test is demonstrated to be uncertain and it cannot be used to argue conclusively that only a base-generation pseudo-sluicing analysis should be adopted. We show that a much clear evidence for an exclusive pseudo-sluicing analysis comes from the behavior of the sprouting construction. Investigation of sprouting also sheds light on the properties of null arguments, topic-variable relation, locality, and subcategorization of verbs in the language.

Open access
Derivation of the Apparent Narrow Scope of Sentence-Final Particles in Chinese: A Reply to Erlewine (2017)

Abstract

Erlewine (2017) suggests that certain sentence-final particles (SFPs) in Mandarin Chinese such as “sentential le” and eryi are located lower than the C-domain, using a number of arguments relating to the scopal interaction of these SFPs, subjects, and other verb phrase (vP) level elements. The present paper proposes an alternative view of the phenomena considered by Erlewine (2017) and maintains the claim that sentential le and eryi are C-domain elements. First, I argue that shi ‘be’, in the negative form – bu shi ‘not be’ – should be analyzed as an independent verb, which takes a clausal complement headed by le or eryi. The apparent narrow scope of le and eryi is due to the biclausal analysis of the entire sentence. Second, the sentence-initial determiner phrase (DP) cannot be analyzed as the real subject of the verb shi ‘be’ but must be analyzed as the matrix topic of the entire sentence and, therefore, is higher than the complementizer phrase (CP) headed by le or eryi. This explains why sometimes le or eryi does not have scope over the subject. Third, the wh-subject cannot get an indefinite reading in a sentence with a final particle le because the ∃-closure triggered by le applies at the I′-level by excluding the subject systematically (Huang 1982). The ∃-quantifier, which is introduced in a position lower than the surface subject position, cannot bind the wh-subject as a variable. The position where ∃ is generated remains independent of whether the ∃-closure is triggered by low particles, such as le, or by high particles, such as the yes–no question particle ma. Therefore, the low peripheral particles le and eryi are still within the CP domain and thus higher than vP.

Open access
Understanding S-Selection

inquiries: The framework. In Roger Martin, David Michaels & Juan Uriagereka (eds.), Step by step: Essays on minimalist syntax in honor of Howard Lasnik. 89–155. MA: MIT Press. Chomsky, Noam. 2005. Three factors in language design. Linguistic Inquiry 36. 1-22. Chomsky, Noam. 2013. Problems of projection. Lingua 130. 33-49. Cinque, Guglielmo. 1999. Adverbs and functional heads: A cross-linguistic perspective. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Collins, Chris. 1997. Argument sharing in serial verb constructions. Linguistic Inquiry 28. 461-497. Cowper, Elizabeth A. 1992. A

Open access
An Enthymematic Account of the Deduction of the Negative Meaning of the Chinese Shenme-based Rhetorical Question Construction

argument structure . Chicago: Chicago University Press. Goldberg, Adele. 2006. Constructions at work: The nature of generalization in language . Oxford: Oxford University Press. Grice, Paul. 1975. Logic and conversation. In Peter Cole & Jerry Morgan (eds.), Syntax and semantics 3: Speech acts , 41–58. New York: Academic Press. Han, Chung-Hye. 2002. Interpreting interrogatives as rhetorical questions. Lingua 112. 201–229. Ilie, Cornelia. 1999. Question-response argumentation in talk shows. Journal of Pragmatics 31. 975–999. Ilie

Open access
Once upon an invisible TIME: On Frequentative Phrases in Chinese

.), The logic of decision and action, 81-120. Pittsburgh: Pittsburgh University Press. Emonds, Joseph Embley. 1987. The invisible category principle. Linguistic Inquiry 18(4). 613-632. Hale, Kenneth & Samuel Jay Keyser. 2002. Prolegomenon to a theory of argument structure. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press. Huang, C.-T. James. 1997. On lexical structure and syntactic projection. Chinese Languages and Linguistics 3. 45-89. Kayne, Richard. 1994. The antisymmetry of syntax. Cambridge,MA: MIT Press

Open access
A note on Fukui’s note

University of Texas dissertation. Jiang, Li. 2012. Nominal arguments and language variation . Cambridge: Harvard University dissertation. Kadmon, Nirit & Fred Landman. 1993. Any . Linguistics and Philosophy 16. 353–422. Kuroda, Sige-Yuki 1965. Generative grammatical studies in the Japanese language . Cambridge: Massachusetts Institute of Technology dissertation. Li, Y.-H. Audrey. 1992. Indefinite wh in Chinese. Journal of East Asian Linguistics 1. 125–155. Lin, Jo-Wang. 1996. Polarity licensing and wh-phrase quantification in Chinese

Open access
Parameter Preservation at the Syntax-PF Interface: The Ba Construction Revisited

constituent order and constituent order alternations in West African languages. In Proceedings of the 31st Annual Meeting of the Berkeley Linguistic Society, 1-15, Berkeley. Djamouri, Redouane, Waltraud Paul & John Whitman. 2013. Syntactic change in Chinese and the argument-adjunct asymmetry. In Guangshun Cao, Hilary Chappell, Redouane Djamouri & Thekla Wiebusch (eds.), Breaking down the barriers: Interdisciplinary studies in Chinese linguistics and beyond, vol. 2, 577-594. Taipei: Academia Sinica. Epstein, Samuel David, Erich Groat, Ruriko

Open access
Remarks on the Final-over-Final Condition: A View from Chinese Head-Final Structures

, and Sandra Thompson. 1981. Mandarin Chinese: A functional reference grammar . Berkeley: University of California Press. Li, Yen-hui Audrey. 1990. Order and constituency in Mandarin Chinese . Dordrecht: Kluwer. Li, Yen-hui Audrey. 1992. Indefinite Wh in Mandarin Chinese. Journal of East Asian Linguistics 1. 125–156. Li, Yen-hui Audrey. 1998. Argument determiner phrases and number phrases. Linguistic Inquiry 29. 693–702. Li, Yen-hui Audrey. 1999. Plurality in a classifier language. Journal of East Asian Linguistics 8. 75–99. Li

Open access