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Secular Formatting of the Sacred: Human Rights and the Question of Secularization and Re-Sacralization

sacred nation, emphasizing universal humanitarian values and the sacredness of the person , hence also the desacralization of the state ( Joas 2019 ). His argument follows along historical trajectories similar to Samuel Moyn’s analysis of human rights as the last utopia ( Moyn 2010 ), yet within a different theoretical framework. Setting out from Durkheim’s understanding of the social construction of a sacred space, Joas undertakes a detailed and critical analysis of Weber’s theory of secularization as disenchantment of the world. He points out that the idea that

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Contemporary Religiosity and the Absence of Solidarity With Those in Need

without romanticizing the religion of the past and dreaming of its return. Before going to the argument itself, let me briefly clarify the terms that I am using. I refer to religiosity when dealing with particular beliefs and practices that do not necessarily form one coherent whole, consisting of sacred narratives, rituals, religious experiences, doctrines, institutions, cultures and their monuments, etc., as, in various degrees, classical religions do. As will be pointed out, when speaking about current religiosity, we find fragments of different religions. Thus

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How to Respond to Conflicts Over Value Pluralism?

, seems only possible under very specific conditions, which are typically not fulfilled in the current debates about value pluralism in Europe. In comparison to Taylor, Ricoeur’s proposal of cultural hospitality is not only more modest but also more promising, since it starts from the recognition of the fundamental heterogeneity of values and socio-cultural identities. This makes it easier to accept that there will always be something in the values and culture of the other that eludes our understanding. Ricoeur also offers an important argument why it is important for

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A Bridge to the Past: Public Memory and Nostalgia for the Communist Times in Modern Georgia

things, reflective nostalgia concentrates on the feeling of “longing” itself. Reflective “types” deal with the past in an ironical way and do not actually articulate the desire to go back in time or to restore a bygone era in the present. It is my argument that the nostalgia of Tbilisi’s flea market is closer to the “reflective” type, but of course, there are elements of “restoration” as the phenomenon of nostalgia is very complex and cannot be limited to a simplified category. , these objects seem to frame domestic objects of the Soviet everyday life, increasing the

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Online Comments as a Tool of Intercultural (Russian–Czech) “Anti-Dialog”

& Ratsiburskaya 2011 ; Yevstaf’yeva 2009 ). The aims of this study were to 1) provide a critical linguistic analysis of Russian readers’ comments made on Czech analytic journalism on sociopolitical topics published in Russian translation at InoSMI.ru; 2) analyze the verbal positions of regular Russian readers of political journalism on the opinions of the Czech public regarding contemporary Russia and consequently on Czechs and the Czech Republic in general; 3) identify the main stereotypical motives that serve as the basis for the commenters’ arguments and that are

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Forgotten Slovakia Civic Initiative: Talking Openly about Extremism. Parallel Monologues or a Discussion on Values?

voluntarily; it was disclosed through the questions they asked or the arguments they used. During our third or fourth trip (in Dolný Kubín, Ružomberok), they began openly declaring their support for ĽSNS. In Kežmarok, the native town of one of the ĽSNS parliamentary deputies, they organized a bus trip for their members and supporters to attend the evening discussion. The topics raised at each public meeting can be split into several areas. The first one concerns the clarification of terms: what is extremism and who is an extremist; what extremism means in politics; and

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Parameters of the Transition from a Cultural to a Political Program by the Czech and Slovak Elites in the Mid-19th Century

and identity. As the external constitutional framework seemed to be established, it was generally shared. The Czech political program forged its broader state identity by the mid-19th century in the Habsburg monarchy. It identified itself with the latter and sought its development within it. But that was just a part of the constitutional concept. In the interest of a comprehensive political ambition, it was necessary to build up and promote the argumentation to clarify the internal ties and internal identity that would link the national community and the territory

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Divided National Identity in Moldova

made Ştefan cel Mare a central figure in Moldovan history and in the continuity of the Moldovan state. They refute the Romanian argument by stating that, as Prince of Moldavia, he could not have been Romanian. In addition, he punished the Wallachian princes for collaborating with the Ottoman Empire. On May 16, 1812, after the Treaty of Bucharest, the eastern part of the medieval Principality of Moldavia was removed from Moldavian control and it came under Russian administration. This was a crucial point in Moldavian history, as it represents the date of liberation

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Transnationalism in the Pacific Region as a Concept of State Identity

actor. The second section of the paper presents an argument on the identity aspects of the region, identifying its transregional character, thus providing a link to the second research question analyzed in the next section, namely, dual citizenship, which is identified as one of the instruments for transnationalism in the examined region from both the political and legal points of view, i.e., it provides argumentation for what makes the Pacific community a transnational one. Research presented in this paper results in the analysis of dual citizenship as an aspect of

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Anti-Islamism without Moslems: Cognitive Frames of Czech Antimigrant Politics

threaten Europe by creating ghettos of “culture of murderers and religious hatred”. Because of the “national, ethnic, religious, social and economic structure of immigrants has Europe zero chance to absorb them” ( Zeman 2015 ). The presented framework has deeply primordial argumentation. The threat is linked with the pure existence of Islam as such and a violent behavior that does not respect European law, as well as a culture that rises directly from the Quran and other Islamic texts. Different interpretations are not mentioned or discussed at all. Besides the strong

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