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Since the Russian annexation of 1812, identity politics has been the long-term subject of interest and dispute for a relatively large part of the population as well as the politically relevant inhabitants and state structures of Romania, Moldova, and Russia. This is true for the period before World War I, the interwar period, during World War II, and after it. It intensified in form after the country gained political independence, connected to the disintegration of the Russian–Soviet imperial realm. Russian efforts to create new national
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reserve lieutenant and a vice consul with experience in Trieste, Shkodër (Scutari, Albania), and Pljevlja (Montenegro) behind him and had been serving in Galați, Romania, for three years. One cold winter morning, Szathmáry Király was approached in his office by Robert Matsek, a reserve corporal (Unterjäger, the lowest rank of Unteroffizier, or non-commissioned officer [NCO]) who was traveling abroad as the mechanical assistant of a panorama owner and needed to report his presence in the area. When Szathmáry Király had trouble finding the relevant stamp in Matsek
down in Greek letters, for instance, Karamanli (Turkish) in Cappadocia (today’s central Turkey), Gagauz (present-day southern Moldova), in addition to Aromanian (Vlach Romance), Arvanitika (Tosk Albanian), or Pomak (Slavic) in present-day Greece. Karamanli was lost in the wake of the 1923 population exchange between Greece and Turkey; Karamanli-speakers, dispersed across Greece, quickly adopted Greek as their language. In the 20 th century, the Gagauzes’ homeland changed hands between Russia, Romania, the Soviet Union, and Moldova, which entailed a series of imposed
event that continues to play a role in Hungary’s foreign policy – the 1920 Treaty of Trianon – is much more deeply rooted in Fidesz’s ideological and historiographic background. Labeled as “defeated state” at the end of the First World War, Hungary was dismembered, losing almost two-thirds of the territory it had under the dual Austro-Hungarian monarchy. Along with that, a considerable portion of its population now found itself in one of the successor states (most notably Czechoslovakia and Romania). Ever since then, the issue of Hungarian minorities abroad has been
converted straight over, pricing items at 100 euros, effectively doubling the price of everything. I told him I had noticed this too and talked about how much further my money had gone 1999 when one could still use lire. He said that his wife is always complaining to him to go back, but he convinces her they should stay because his job is good, and he probably would not find one as good back home.
Later I spoke with a young man in a white t-shirt and jeans named Andrei, from Romania, who had been working in Italy for the past 4 years as a general construction worker. He
-Ukrainian population census of 2001, is given in Table 1 .
Distribution of the population of Ukraine by the native language, 2001
Claimed as the native language
Percentage in overall population
?” Romanian Journal of European Affairs 16 (2): 20–35. Kaniok Petr Vlastimil Havlík 2016 “Populism and Euroscepticism in the Czech Republic: Meeting Friends or Passing By?” Romanian Journal of European Affairs 16 2 20 – 35
Kosárová, Dominika, and Jaroslav Ušiak. 2017. “The Role of Identity in the Global Terrorist Movement.” Politické vedy 20 (4): 113–133. Kosárová Dominika Jaroslav Ušiak 2017 “The Role of Identity in the Global Terrorist Movement.” Politické vedy 20 4 113 – 133
Krčál, Petr, and Vladimír Naxera, 2018. “Populistická