Federal Republic of Germany in Bratislava, pers. comm., February 17, 2017). As far as the representations of Taiwan in Slovakia and in the Czech Republic are concerned, they enjoy the same privileges and immunities as the consular offices led by career consular officers in accordance with the Vienna Convention on Consular Relations, but with a few exceptions, related to protocol and formal issues, e. g., they have no right to use the national flag and coat-of-arms outdoor (Taipei Representative Office in Bratislava, Representative, pers. comm., February 21, 2017).
Reagan was to Thatcher’s) but averse to Russian influence.
How did the Reagan Foundation and the Centennial Commission manage to conduct such an impressive campaign of transatlantic memory diplomacy? One can cautiously extrapolate from the Hungarian case. According to Dr. Zoltán Fehér, who during the Reagan Centennial Year worked as a career diplomat for the Hungarian Foreign Ministry, the U.S. coordinators of the Commission’s European campaign were Linda Bond and John Heubusch (Fehér 2017). Bond had served on the president-elect’s transition team, then on Reagan
for the end of the “communist dictatorship,” is considered as the dawn of his political career ( Kovacs 2014 ). Therefore, ever since the rightwing party came to power for the second time in 2010, Fidesz has devoted particular concern as well as economic resources to implementing its own specific vision of history.
In order to fully comprehend the government’s politics of memory, the latter must be considered as a full-blown tool of political action. The ultimate goal here is to present Fidesz as the best legitimate political actor that can restore Hungary
) to Dai La Citadel (Hanoi today). From the first lines of the Capital Moving Proclamation, the role of the people was mentioned as an essential requirement for this important work:
In the Shang Dynasty, Pangeng moved the capital five times, Cheng Wang of Chu Dynasty moved three times. The kings of three ancient dynasties (三代) did not to do their own will. They have done so in order to make great careers, as a strategy for their future generations. They obey the mandate of heaven and the people’s will. They find a convenient place to move, so that the fate of the
; Zick, Küppers, and Hövermann 2011 ). Given a climate of fear due to several terrorist attacks committed by the ‘Islamic State’ (e.g., Paris, Marseille, Barcelona, and Berlin), it seems unlikely that the career of Islam as the scapegoat of Europe has reached its final climax yet. However, research on Islamophobia – which deals with public opinion and relates to studies on right-wing extremist and populist parties – has focused predominantly on Western European societies ( Allen 2010 ; Ciftci 2012 ; Helbling 2012 ; Kaya 2015 ; Marfouk 2016 ; Mudde 2007; Pickel and
’ russkih , tem yarche i uspeshnej tvoya politicheskaya kar’era .”
“There’s a secret principle at work in Europe: being a Russophobe is key to getting to power. The more you bark at Russia, the more you hate Russians, the more dazzling and successful your political career.”
“ Kto vy chekhi? A nikto! Zhal’ vas . Predateli slavyan . Kak i polyaki i bolgary i drugie bratushki .”
“Who are you, Czechs? Nobody. I feel sorry for you. Slav traitors, just like the Poles, the Bulgarians and other ‘brothers’.”
“ Chekhoslovackaya armiya ni v chem ne ustupala vermahtu
” (People’s Party – Our Slovakia). In the case of the first-mentioned party, the leader of that party is a very famous public figure in the media, who started his “political career” with hostile quotes about migrants on social networks. In the second case, it is an antisystem party, and the party leader and its members have been for a long time presenting themselves with anti-immigration and anti-Roma rhetoric. That is why we could say that this theme of migration was perfectly and concisely used in the Slovak media environment for creating the antimigration moods, which
newspapers, disinformation websites, or in his own television show. Throughout the course of his whole political career, Miloš Zeman has been known for generating strong statements often made on a personal level. He has handed out various labels to his political opponents, which have often been borderline or blatantly vulgar (which is typical of populism; cf. Tarchi 2016 ). Previously, during the direct election, he highlighted this system of elections with the argument that, contrary to politicians, the people are incorruptible. Even despite this populist rhetoric aimed
as diverse working and living careers, along with the rather individualized and privatized concepts of religion and religious practices. The book is a compulsory reading for everybody who wants to understand the issues salient for Moslems living in the Czech Republic, including how the community is discriminated against by the majority population. However, its impact on our research is mainly indirect, since the authors of this edited volume do not cover Czech political parties, and their research is based on data collected mainly before the refugee wave of 2015